Effectiveness of Responses (HSC SSCE Legal Studies): Revision Notes
Effectiveness of Responses
This section examines how effectively Australia's legal and political systems have responded to the disadvantages faced by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. The responses include legal reforms, government policies, and recognition of past injustices.
Misunderstandings due to ignorance and differences in points of view
The adversarial system and Indigenous culture
Australia's legal system operates on an adversarial process, where opposing sides argue their cases before a judge who acts as a referee. This system creates significant challenges for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples for several reasons:
- The adversarial system is complex, expensive, and time-consuming
- It is fundamentally different from traditional Indigenous justice systems
- Indigenous peoples traditionally relied on customary law, where tribal elders settled disputes and administered punishments through discussion, mediation, and direct action
- The system is difficult for anyone without legal training to fully understand, making it particularly challenging for Indigenous Australians
Customary law typically involved quick resolution of disputes without incarceration. Physical punishment might be administered immediately, avoiding prolonged imprisonment which conflicts with Indigenous cultural connections to land. This approach stands in stark contrast to the Australian legal system's reliance on lengthy court processes and custodial sentences.
Cultural differences and land ownership
Understanding Indigenous perspectives requires recognising fundamental cultural differences:
Indigenous worldview:
- Emphasis on the group rather than the individual
- Strong spiritual connection to land and environment
- Belief that life comes from the land and returns to it after death
- View themselves as custodians of land for future generations
- Land has sacred and cultural significance
Non-Indigenous worldview:
- Land seen as an asset that can be bought and sold
- Land can be changed or developed to suit current needs
- Focus on economic value and profit
- Individual ownership rights prioritised
These fundamentally different worldviews create a deep cultural divide that makes it extremely difficult for non-Indigenous Australians to fully understand Indigenous perspectives on land rights and ownership. This misunderstanding has been at the heart of conflict since colonisation and continues to affect policy-making today.
Historical misunderstandings
Several misconceptions have persisted since colonisation that demonstrate the ignorance of early settlers and continue to affect perceptions today:
- Indigenous peoples have lived on the Australian continent for at least years
- Before colonisation, there were approximately different cultural and language groups
- European colonists wrongly categorised all Indigenous peoples as a single ethnic group
- Not all Indigenous peoples were nomadic (people who travel and change settlements frequently)
- Some groups lived sedentary lifestyles with permanent dwellings and clear boundaries
- The Meriam people of Mer (Torres Strait) had established systems of land ownership with identifiable boundaries passed down through generations
The categorisation of all Indigenous peoples as a single group demonstrates a profound ignorance that has had lasting consequences. This misconception ignored the incredible diversity of cultures, languages, and lifestyles that existed across the continent, and contributed to the imposition of uniform policies that failed to recognise the distinct needs and traditions of different groups.
Divided public opinion
Mainstream Australian society holds conflicting views on Indigenous rights:
- Some argue Indigenous peoples are the rightful owners of all Australian land
- Others believe Indigenous peoples should have no special rights
- This division makes it difficult for Indigenous Australians to gain widespread public support for their claims
Language barriers
For Indigenous people in rural and remote areas, communication challenges compound the difficulties they face in the legal system:
- English may not be their first language
- Interpreters are often required for police and court proceedings
- Cultural factors make imprisonment particularly harsh (separation from land and community)
Legal recognition of customary law
Australian courts have occasionally recognised customary law, though inconsistently. The following cases illustrate both the possibilities and limitations of this recognition.
Worked Example: R v Williams (1976) 14 SASR 1
Facts:
- Mr Williams, a tribal Aboriginal man with limited English, killed a woman during an argument
- The woman had taunted him about customary secrets while drinking
- He was convicted of manslaughter (reduced from murder due to provocation)
Decision: Justice Wells suspended a two-year custodial sentence on condition that Williams return to his lands for customary punishment. The judge reasoned that:
- Williams had very little English
- He would be unable to communicate with prison staff or fellow prisoners
- Imprisoning a tribal Aboriginal person in such conditions would be particularly harsh
- Williams was later speared through the legs as required by tribal elders
Significance: This case demonstrates judicial recognition that:
- The Australian justice system may be particularly harmful to Indigenous offenders
- Customary law can be a legitimate form of punishment
- Cultural factors should be considered in sentencing
Worked Example: Walker v New South Wales (1994) 69 ALJR 111
Facts: Denis Walker appealed an assault conviction, arguing that as an Aboriginal Australian, he was not accountable under Commonwealth or state criminal law. He claimed Australian governments needed Indigenous consent before making laws affecting them.
Decision: The High Court dismissed the appeal. Chief Justice Mason stated: "It is a basic principle that all people should stand equal before the law. A construction which results in different criminal sanctions applying to different persons for the same conduct offends that basic principle."
Significance: This case established that:
- Indigenous Australians are subject to the same criminal laws as all Australians
- Separate legal systems based on ethnicity are incompatible with the principle of equality before the law
- Self-determination does not extend to exemption from Australian criminal law
These two cases highlight the tension in Australian law between recognising Indigenous cultural practices and maintaining uniform application of criminal law. While R v Williams showed courts can consider customary law in sentencing, Walker v NSW made clear that Indigenous Australians cannot claim exemption from Australian criminal law.
Government responses to land rights and native title
Historical context and early responses
Following the Gove land rights case (), where the court upheld terra nullius and ruled that the Yolngu people could not prevent mining on their traditional land, governments began responding to growing calls for Indigenous land rights:
Key government actions:
- 1972: Whitlam government established the Department of Aboriginal Affairs
- 1976: Aboriginal Land Rights Act 1976 (NT) created a land claim process for traditional owners in the Northern Territory
- 1992: Mabo decision demolished the doctrine of terra nullius
- 1993: Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) established a framework for recognising native title
- 1998: Native Title Amendment Act 1998 (Cth) (the "-point plan") followed the Wik decision
Critical Limitation of Current Law:
While Indigenous peoples can be consulted on land-use issues, they have no legal power to veto decisions about land, even on areas where native title is recognised. This means that economic interests (such as mining, farming, forestry, and fishing) can still override Indigenous cultural interests, even when native title has been established.
Successful native title cases
Since the Mabo decision and Native Title Act, several successful claims have demonstrated that native title can be recognised and protected under certain circumstances:
Worked Example: Yanner v Eaton [1999] HCA 53
- Yanner, a member of the Gunnamulla clan (Gangalidda tribe), caught two juvenile crocodiles with a harpoon
- He was charged under the Fauna Conservation Act 1974 (Qld)
- The High Court found his clan's native title rights were not extinguished by the Fauna Act
- This case established that native title can coexist with legislation and that traditional hunting rights can be maintained
Worked Example: Commonwealth v Yarmirr [2001] HCA 56
- First native title case dealing with waters rather than land
- Concerned an area of sea and sea-bed around Croker Island
- The High Court found native title existed but was non-exclusive due to common law rights of boating and fishing
- Demonstrated that native title can extend beyond land to include sea rights
Worked Example: Barkandji Traditional Owners #8 v Attorney-General of New South Wales [2015] FCA 604
- Sixth successful native title claim in NSW
- Federal Court recognised the Barkandji people as traditional owners of square kilometres of land (largest in NSW to date)
- Took almost years to resolve
- Illustrates both the possibility of successful claims and the extremely lengthy process involved
Unsuccessful native title cases
Not all native title claims have been successful, and some cases have established strict limitations on when native title can be recognised:
Worked Example: Fejo v Northern Territory [1998] HCA 58
- Confirmed that native title is permanently extinguished if freehold title has been granted
- Sets strict limits on native title claims
- Means that once land has been granted as freehold, Indigenous peoples cannot make a native title claim, even if they had traditional connection to that land
Worked Example: Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v Victoria [2002] HCA 58
- High Court held that a break in observance of traditional customs and laws meant native title ceased to exist
- Controversial decision that requires continuous connection to land and culture
- Created significant obstacles for Indigenous groups whose cultural practices were disrupted by colonisation
The Yorta Yorta decision has been particularly criticised because it creates a "catch-22" situation: Indigenous peoples whose cultures were most severely disrupted by colonisation are least likely to be able to prove the continuous connection required for native title recognition.
Deaths in custody recommendations
The Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody
Established in 1987 in response to unacceptably high numbers of Indigenous deaths in police custody and jail. The Commission conducted extensive investigations and consultations to understand the systemic issues leading to these deaths.
Key outcomes:
- Made 339 recommendations in total
- Main recommendation: decrease the number of Indigenous people going to jail in the first instance
- Proposed diversionary programs involving punishment or rehabilitation rather than incarceration
- Led to changes in police cells to reduce suicide risk
Mixed Results of the Royal Commission:
The implementation of Royal Commission recommendations has shown highly uneven results:
- Deaths in police custody have fallen due to improved cell design
- However, Indigenous incarceration rates have increased dramatically
- Indigenous prisoners rose from in to in
- Deaths in custody remain approximately times higher for Indigenous inmates compared to non-Indigenous inmates
- Implementation of diversionary programs has been slow and inconsistent
Example of Implementation Failure:
In , a -year-old boy died in juvenile custody in the Northern Territory after committing minor property offences. He was not placed on a diversionary program, despite Royal Commission recommendations that young offenders for non-violent crimes should be diverted from custody. This tragic case highlights the gap between recommendations and actual practice.
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner
Created by Federal Parliament in 1992 in response to:
- Royal Commission findings
- National Inquiry into Racist Violence
- Economic and social disadvantage suffered by Indigenous Australians
Dr William Jonas (Social Justice Commissioner in 2000) noted important developments in public awareness:
- Past years saw Indigenous issues become highly publicised
- Wider community became more aware of historical injustices
- Key developments exposed "foundational myths" of Australian history:
- Australia was not terra nullius
- Indigenous people did suffer in the custody system
- Forcible removal of children was a systematic government policy
Forcible removal of children from their families
Historical context
The Chief Protector of Aborigines in Western Australia stated in that Australia had the power to take any child from its mother to "merge" the "black" population into the "white". This chilling statement reveals the explicitly racist motivations behind removal policies.
This policy of forcible removal continued as official government policy until 1972. The general public largely forgot about this history until Indigenous agencies and communities campaigned for recognition in the 1990s. The children removed under these policies became known as the Stolen Generations.
National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children
Began in May 1995 with four key terms of reference:
- Trace the past and ongoing effects of the separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families
- Examine laws, policies and practices offering services to affected people, and identify needed changes (including assistance for reuniting families)
- Consider principles for justifying compensation for affected individuals and communities
- Examine current laws, policies and practices for placement and care of Indigenous children, considering the principle of self-determination
Bringing Them Home report
The final report made several key recommendations that addressed both past wrongs and future prevention:
Compensation and support:
- Financial compensation for individuals and families affected
- Reunion services to help reconnect families
- Counselling services for trauma and healing
- Official apology from all organisations involved in removal policies
Legal reform:
- Enact legislation ensuring Australia complies with the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide
- Article II of the Convention defines genocide as including "forced transferring of children of a group to another group"
- This suggests Australia was in breach of a UN convention for many years
Significance of the Genocide Definition:
The report's reference to the UN Genocide Convention was particularly significant. By identifying the forced removal of children as potentially meeting the definition of genocide, the report challenged Australians to confront the severity of what had been done. This was not simply a misguided welfare policy, but a systematic attempt to destroy Indigenous culture by removing children from their families and communities.
Significance: The report documented the "horrendous impacts on families and individuals who were removed" and brought this history into public consciousness.
Government recognition and the apology
Kevin Rudd's apology (2008)
On 13 February 2008, Prime Minister Kevin Rudd delivered an official apology to Indigenous Australians in an emotional address to the House of Representatives.
Key elements of the apology:
- Apologised "for the laws and policies of successive parliaments and governments that have inflicted profound grief, suffering and loss"
- Apologised specifically "for the removal of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families, their communities and their country"
- Stated: "For the pain, suffering and hurt of these stolen generations, their descendants and for their families left behind, we say sorry"
- Acknowledged the "indignity and degradation thus inflicted on a proud people and a proud culture"
- Called for the apology to be "received in the spirit in which it is offered, as part of the healing of the nation"
Significance of the Apology:
The 2008 apology was a watershed moment in Australian history:
- Officially recognised historical inequalities and injustices
- Began to heal the breach between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians
- Fulfilled a key recommendation of the Bringing Them Home report
- However, the Rudd government was later criticised for slow rate of policy change following the apology, with some arguing that symbolic recognition was not followed by substantive reform
Constitutional recognition
The Gillard Labor government proposed an "Act of Recognition" to acknowledge Indigenous peoples in the Australian Constitution.
Current situation:
- The Constitution currently has no recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples
- When drafted in the late th century, Indigenous peoples were not consulted or mentioned
- Changing the Constitution requires a national referendum
- Former Liberal Prime Minister Tony Abbott suggested holding a referendum in (on the anniversary of the successful referendum that removed discriminatory references)
- No referendum has yet been held on this issue
The absence of constitutional recognition remains a significant symbolic issue. The Constitution is the founding document of the Australian nation, and the fact that it makes no mention of the original inhabitants of the land is seen by many as a continuing injustice. However, achieving constitutional change is difficult, as it requires both parliamentary support and majority approval in a national referendum.
Effectiveness of responses: critical evaluation
Limitations and ongoing challenges
Despite various government responses, significant problems remain that call into question the effectiveness of these reforms:
Cultural Incompatibility:
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures have social and spiritual needs not addressed by "practical reconciliation" policies. The adversarial legal system remains fundamentally at odds with Indigenous justice traditions. Improvement in statistics does not necessarily mean justice has been achieved – a reduction in deaths in police custody, for example, does nothing to address the underlying issue of why Indigenous people are being arrested at such high rates in the first place.
Land rights restrictions:
- Native title can be extinguished by freehold title grants (Fejo v Northern Territory)
- Indigenous groups can be consulted but cannot veto land-use decisions
- Economic interests (mining, farming, forestry, fishing) often override Indigenous cultural interests
- Even successful native title claims may provide limited practical benefit if mining or development can still proceed
Incarceration Crisis:
Despite Royal Commission recommendations, Indigenous incarceration rates have doubled since . This represents a catastrophic failure of the justice system:
- Diversionary programs have been implemented slowly and inconsistently
- Indigenous people remain significantly over-represented in the criminal justice system
- The fundamental goal of the Royal Commission – to reduce the number of Indigenous people going to jail – has not been achieved
- In fact, the opposite has occurred, with incarceration rates increasing dramatically
Self-determination denied:
- Walker v NSW confirmed Indigenous Australians must follow the same criminal laws as all Australians
- Limited recognition of customary law in sentencing
- Lack of Indigenous control over policies affecting their communities
Positive developments
Some responses have been effective and represent genuine progress:
Legal Recognition:
- Mabo decision demolished terra nullius
- Native Title Act provides a framework for land claims
- Some successful native title claims have restored land to traditional owners
- These legal victories have symbolic and practical importance, even if limitations remain
Acknowledgment of wrongs:
- Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody investigated systemic problems
- Bringing Them Home report documented the Stolen Generations
- Kevin Rudd's 2008 apology officially recognised past injustices
- Greater public awareness and understanding of historical wrongs
Institutional reforms:
- Creation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner
- Improved police cell designs reducing suicide risk
- Greater public awareness of Indigenous issues
- Indigenous voices increasingly included in policy discussions
Case law recognition:
- R v Williams showed courts can consider cultural factors in sentencing
- Yanner v Eaton confirmed native title can coexist with legislation
- Some judges have recognised the harm caused by applying non-Indigenous justice systems to Indigenous offenders
Key Points to Remember:
- The adversarial legal system is fundamentally different from traditional customary law based on tribal elders, creating cultural conflict and misunderstandings
- The 1987 Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody made recommendations, primarily focusing on diversionary programs to reduce Indigenous incarceration, but implementation has been limited
- The Bringing Them Home report (1995) documented the forced removal of the Stolen Generations and recommended compensation, services, and an official apology
- Kevin Rudd's 2008 apology officially recognised historical injustices and began healing, though critics note slow policy change since then
- While some native title cases have succeeded (Yanner v Eaton, Barkandji Traditional Owners), others failed (Yorta Yorta), and Indigenous groups still cannot veto land-use decisions
- Indigenous incarceration rates have doubled from to between and , showing limited effectiveness of reforms
- R v Williams (1976) demonstrated judicial recognition of customary law, but Walker v NSW (1994) confirmed all Australians must follow the same criminal laws
- The Constitution still does not recognise Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples; proposed reforms require a national referendum that has not yet occurred