The ‘Special Relationship’ with the USA (AQA A-Level History): Revision Notes
The 'Special Relationship' with the USA
Blair's commitment to the 'special relationship'
Tony Blair believed the 'special relationship' between Britain and the United States formed a central element of British foreign policy. This conviction shaped New Labour's international approach throughout Blair's premiership (1997-2007). Blair articulated this position clearly during his second year as Prime Minister, arguing that Britain did not face a binary choice between alignment with Washington or Brussels. Instead, he insisted:
"It means realising once and for all that Britain does not have to choose between being strong with the US, or strong with Europe; it means having the confidence that we can be both."
This statement revealed a fundamental tension at the heart of Blair's foreign policy: attempting to reconcile British loyalty to America with European commitments proved consistently difficult throughout his decade in office. This balancing act would become increasingly problematic, particularly after 9/11.
The Clinton years (1997-2001)
Personal rapport and shared politics
New Labour established a strong working relationship with Democratic President Bill Clinton. Both Blair and Gordon Brown visited the United States on several occasions during the early 1990s, before Labour returned to power. They were attracted to the American economic model and impressed by the success of Clinton's 1992 presidential campaign, particularly its appeal to middle-ground voters who would be essential to Labour's electoral strategy.
When Labour won the 1997 general election, Clinton expressed enthusiasm about working with the new Prime Minister, describing Blair as "a very exciting man, a very able man."
Blair and Clinton developed a genuine rapport based on more than just political expediency. Both leaders positioned themselves as modernisers offering a 'Third Way' between traditional left-wing and right-wing politics, providing an intellectual framework for their respective brands of progressive politics. This ideological alignment strengthened their personal and political connection, making them natural allies in reshaping centre-left politics.
Challenges and achievements
The relationship faced strain during certain episodes, notably the Kosovo crisis (1999) and revelations about Clinton's sexual indiscretions. Despite these difficulties, the partnership remained functional. A highlight of Blair's premiership came when Clinton agreed to speak at Labour's 2002 annual conference, demonstrating the enduring warmth between the two leaders even after Clinton had left office.
The Bush years (2001-2007)
An unlikely alliance
Blair established an even closer relationship with Clinton's Republican successor, George W. Bush, despite their markedly different political positions. Bush's political views lay well to the right of Britain's Conservative Party, creating an ideological gulf between the two leaders. The Bush administration featured an unusually hard-line Vice President (Dick Cheney) and a Defence Department dominated by neo-conservatives.
Understanding Neo-conservatism
Neo-conservatives (or 'neo-cons') were a right-wing American political movement that became particularly influential in the Republican administrations of President George H. W. Bush and President George W. Bush. It starts from the premise that, in a dangerous world, only the US has the power to make it a better place and advocates intervention in pursuit of democracy and American values.
This ideology would significantly shape US foreign policy during Bush's presidency and have major implications for Blair's relationship with America.
Blair's motivations
Blair's initial concern about Bush focused not on potential military adventures but on the possibility that an isolationist President might withdraw from international defence obligations upon which Europe depended. However, Bush's policies alienated most of America's European allies across a range of issues:
- Bush signed legislation providing subsidies for American farmers that violated free trade principles Blair advocated
- He imposed tariffs on foreign steel producers, triggering a trade dispute with Europe
- Most damaging for Blair's attempts to present the administration positively was Bush's refusal to ratify the establishment of the International Criminal Court unless American forces received blanket immunity from prosecution
Journalist and author J. Kampfner, who worked as a foreign correspondent and wrote about British foreign policy, observed these tensions closely. His analysis highlighted how Bush administration policies created substantial difficulties for Blair in maintaining credibility with European partners while simultaneously supporting the US administration.
An asymmetric partnership
Like his predecessors, Blair proved willing to pay a substantial price for maintaining American friendship, even at cost to his personal standing in Britain and Europe. He believed that by staying close to the United States, Britain could influence and, if necessary, restrain American policy. Disagreements between the two leaders would be voiced only in private. However, observers increasingly questioned whether Blair genuinely influenced Bush's decisions in the final years of his premiership. While Bush appreciated Blair's support, the President remained inclined to follow the advice of his senior advisers.
The Nature of the Partnership
The Blair-Bush relationship was not a partnership of equals. Robin Cook noted that Blair "is programmed to respect power not to rebel against it." This contrasted sharply with Margaret Thatcher, who despite her close relationship with Ronald Reagan would still protest when she disagreed with Reagan administration policies. Blair's approach was characterised more by private persuasion than public disagreement.
The impact of 9/11
A defining moment
The terrorist attacks on New York's twin towers on 11 September 2001 ('9/11') transformed the nature of the special relationship. Blair's response to the crisis was immediate and unequivocal. He framed the emerging conflict not simply as a battle between the United States and terrorism, but as a contest between the free, democratic world and terrorism. Britain, he insisted, would stand 'shoulder to shoulder with our American friends'.
Messianic language and moral framing
Perhaps reflecting their shared Christian faith, Bush and Blair increasingly employed messianic language, presenting the 'war on terror' as a moral crusade between good and evil.
The Significance of Rhetoric
With hindsight, this rhetorical framing appears to have set Blair on a path that would lead to British involvement in the Iraq War. The adoption of such absolutist language made compromise or retreat more difficult and committed Britain to supporting American military action. By framing the conflict in terms of good versus evil, both leaders created a moral framework that left little room for nuanced diplomacy or alternative approaches.
Key Points to Remember:
- Blair regarded the 'special relationship' with the United States as the cornerstone of British foreign policy throughout his premiership (1997-2007)
- The relationship flourished under Democratic President Bill Clinton (1997-2001), based on personal rapport and shared 'Third Way' politics; Clinton spoke at Labour's 2002 conference
- Blair developed an even closer, though asymmetric, relationship with Republican President George W. Bush (2001-2007), despite Bush's right-wing politics and neo-conservative advisers
- The 9/11 terrorist attacks (11 September 2001) transformed the relationship; Blair committed Britain to stand 'shoulder to shoulder' with America, using messianic language to frame the 'war on terror' as a moral crusade