Britain as a Multicultural Society (AQA A-Level History): Revision Notes
Britain as a multicultural society
The changing nature of multicultural Britain, 1997-2007
Ethnic diversity had existed in Britain for generations, but during the decade of New Labour government from 1997 to 2007, the character of multicultural Britain underwent considerable change and sparked intense public debate. Globalisation accelerated the movement of people across borders, while families sought refuge from conflicts and famines in their home regions. The expansion of the European Union proved particularly transformative, as it enabled citizens from Central and Eastern European nations to move freely to Britain in search of employment opportunities.
The European Union expansion in 2004 and 2007 was particularly significant, bringing in countries such as Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Slovenia, Romania, and Bulgaria. This enabled millions of citizens from these nations to exercise their right to free movement within the EU, with many choosing to seek opportunities in Britain.
The migrants arriving in Britain during this period represented a diverse range of backgrounds and circumstances. Skilled workers and professionals came to address labour shortages in specific sectors of the economy. Family members joined relatives who had already established themselves in British communities. British universities attracted international students, whilst newly admitted EU member states sent workers seeking better economic prospects. Additionally, individuals displaced by warfare, particularly the conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq, sought asylum in Britain. This shifting composition of immigration occasionally generated tensions within British society.
Evidence of Britain embracing multiculturalism
Multiple developments demonstrated that Britain functioned as a multicultural society and that many people felt comfortable with this reality. The political sphere witnessed a historic milestone in 2002 when Paul Boateng became the first black cabinet minister, serving as chief secretary to the Treasury. This appointment symbolised the progress that individuals from ethnic minority backgrounds could achieve in British public life.
Religious and cultural diversity became visible across urban landscapes. Mosques emerged as familiar features in numerous towns and cities, serving the spiritual needs of Muslim communities. Schools, local government bodies, and corporate organisations launched programmes celebrating the cultural heritage of people from ethnic minority backgrounds, many of whom had been born on British soil. Cultural events such as the Notting Hill Carnival attracted millions of participants and spectators, demonstrating the appeal of multicultural celebration.
The Notting Hill Carnival, held annually in London, became one of the world's largest street festivals. By this period, it regularly attracted over one million attendees and celebrated Caribbean culture and heritage, showcasing the vibrancy of Britain's multicultural society through music, dance, and cuisine.
London's successful bid to host the 2012 Olympic Games in 2005 provided another indication of multicultural progress. The bid committee prominently featured the city's multicultural character as a selling point, arguing that London's diversity made it an ideal host for an international sporting event. The campaign emphasised that people from different backgrounds lived harmoniously alongside one another in the capital. This argument resonated with the International Olympic Committee and contributed to London's victory.
Racial tensions and institutional challenges
Despite these positive developments, racial tension remained a reality in British society. The Macpherson Report, published in 1998, examined the police investigation into the murder of Stephen Lawrence and identified serious problems. The report concluded that institutional racism existed within the Metropolitan Police - a term describing systematic discrimination embedded within organisational structures and practices, rather than merely individual prejudice.
The concept of institutional racism was crucial to understanding discrimination in Britain. Unlike individual prejudice, institutional racism refers to discriminatory patterns embedded within the structures, policies, and practices of organisations. This means that discrimination can occur even without conscious individual intent, making it particularly difficult to identify and address.
Greg Dyke, the BBC chairman, acknowledged in 2001 that his organisation's workforce was "hideously white," admitting that the corporation had failed to attract and retain sufficient numbers of employees from ethnic minority backgrounds. This frank assessment highlighted how even well-established institutions struggled to reflect Britain's demographic diversity in their staffing.
Concerns also emerged about whether immigrants bore sufficient responsibility for integrating into British society and whether some individuals born in Britain felt alienated from British culture and values. These anxieties became dramatically apparent following the terrorist attack in London on 7 July 2005.
The 7 July 2005 London Bombings
On that day, four suicide bombers attacked three underground trains and a bus, killing 52 people and injuring hundreds more. The scale and brutality of the attack shocked the nation.
When authorities identified the bombers, they discovered that three of them were British-born citizens who appeared to have been thoroughly integrated into society. Mohammed Sidique Khan, who led the group, had worked as a well-respected community worker in West Yorkshire, supporting local residents. This revelation troubled many people because it challenged assumptions about integration and belonging. If individuals who seemed integrated could commit such violence, what did this reveal about the state of community relations in Britain?
Ken Livingstone, mayor of London at the time, responded to the attack with a speech emphasising unity and diversity. He declared that the attack had not targeted the powerful but rather ordinary working-class Londoners of all backgrounds - Muslims and Christians, Hindus and Jews, people of different ages, ethnicities and social classes. Livingstone characterised the bombing as an indiscriminate attempt at mass murder, noting that the perpetrators sought to divide Londoners and turn them against one another. He expressed pride in London's status as one of the world's greatest cities precisely because its residents lived harmoniously together despite their differences.
Two weeks after the initial attack, on 21 July 2005, four additional suicide bombers attempted a similar assault, but their explosives failed to detonate. An extensive manhunt followed, and on 22 July, armed police mistakenly identified a young Brazilian man, Jean Charles de Menezes, as one of the suspects and shot him dead. Four men, naturalised British citizens originally from Ethiopia and Somalia, were subsequently convicted for the attempted attacks. Though they had been born abroad, their status as British citizens raised similar questions about alienation and integration. The attacks prompted extensive national discussion about security and community relations.
Government responses to terrorism and integration concerns
Two primary approaches emerged in response to the terrorist attacks. Some commentators argued that understanding why individuals like Khan had become alienated was necessary, and that improving relations with ethnic minority communities would help prevent radicalisation and foster greater British identity among those who felt excluded. A widespread view held that British foreign policy, particularly the war in Iraq, had created dangerous levels of alienation among British Muslims.
In 2006, the government established the post of secretary of state for local government and communities. This role included working with local communities to prevent extremism and strengthen social cohesion. The creation of this position reflected the government's recognition that community relations required sustained political attention at the highest levels.
Others maintained that the primary requirement was enhanced security measures. The Labour government pursued this approach by passing the National Identity Card Act in 2006, which mandated identity cards as a tool to combat terrorism. The Terrorist Act 2006 extended the period that suspects could be held without charge to 28 days, though this remained considerably shorter than the 90 days the government had initially proposed.
Critics drew parallels with the Irish Troubles of the 1970s and 1990s, warning against overreaction. They noted that the introduction of internment for terrorist suspects in Ireland during the early 1970s had merely encouraged recruitment to paramilitary organisations rather than suppressing them. These critics emphasised the importance of preserving civil liberties whilst addressing security concerns.
Public opinion and economic debates
The terrorist incidents intensified wider concerns about multicultural Britain. Pressure groups, internet commentators and certain sections of the national press contended that immigration threatened social cohesion and the "British way of life." In the 2001 general election, opinion polls indicated that immigration ranked as a matter of concern for merely 3 per cent of voters. By contrast, similar polls conducted in 2007 revealed that nearly 30 per cent of the electorate now viewed it as a pressing issue.
Distinguishing genuine concerns from exaggerated claims proved difficult. Some newspapers, notably the Daily Express, concentrated on potential problems, frequently associating migrants from Eastern Europe with criminal activity and suggesting they took employment from local workers or suppressed wage levels by accepting lower pay. The pressure group MigrationWatch, headed by retired diplomat Sir Andrew Green, emphasised the risks of large migrant numbers arriving rapidly, warning that public services including healthcare and education were becoming overstretched.
Public Opinion on Multiculturalism - MORI Poll, August 2005
A MORI opinion poll conducted for the BBC in August 2005 revealed mixed public attitudes:
- 62 per cent of the general population agreed that multiculturalism made Britain a better place
- 82 per cent of Muslims shared this view
- However, 32 per cent of the general population (and 13 per cent of Muslims) believed multiculturalism threatened Britain's way of life
- 58 per cent of the general population supported immigrants adopting British values and traditions, compared to only 29 per cent of Muslims
- Strong majorities in both communities (91 per cent general, 74 per cent Muslim) supported deporting foreigners who encouraged terrorism
- Similar proportions felt pride when British sports teams performed well
Most economists presented a contrasting perspective, maintaining that the nation derived economic benefits from migration. Migrants addressed labour shortages, contributed valuable skills, established businesses, and represented a net economic gain. Economists observed that most migrants were young, active and healthy, meaning they made minimal demands on public services and frequently worked within them. Migrant families often had children at younger ages, which benefited overall birth rates.
Furthermore, migration did not flow exclusively in one direction. Many migrants eventually returned home - approximately one third of Polish migrants did so. Similarly, numerous British people moved abroad for employment or purchased retirement properties in Spain.
Key Points to Remember:
- Globalisation and EU expansion (2004 and 2007) drove increased migration from Central and Eastern Europe during the New Labour period
- Evidence of multicultural progress included Paul Boateng's 2002 appointment as first black cabinet minister, London's successful 2012 Olympics bid emphasising diversity, and widespread cultural celebrations
- The 7 July 2005 London bombings killed 52 people and revealed that three of the four perpetrators were British-born citizens, challenging assumptions about integration and raising questions about alienation
- Government responses divided between security measures (National Identity Card Act, extended detention periods) and community engagement (secretary of state for local government and communities post created in 2006)
- Public opinion remained divided, with immigration concern rising from 3 per cent of voters (2001) to nearly 30 per cent (2007), whilst economists argued migration provided net economic benefits