Industrial Relations and the Miners’ Strikes (AQA A-Level History): Revision Notes
Industrial Relations and the Miners' Strikes
Introduction: trade unions and Heath's government
Heath's Conservative government identified trade union power as a major obstacle to effective economic management. Acting on a manifesto commitment, Employment Secretary Robert Carr introduced legislation designed to regulate union activity and reduce industrial disruption. However, this approach collided with the realities of Britain's industrial relations landscape and the determination of organised labour to resist legal constraints.
The miners emerged as the most formidable opponents of Heath's industrial strategy. Their strikes in 1972 and 1974 exposed the government's vulnerability to concerted industrial action and contributed directly to Heath's electoral defeat.
The tension between Heath's government and the trade unions reflected a broader struggle over economic power in post-war Britain. While the government sought to control inflation and industrial disruption through legal means, the unions viewed such attempts as attacks on workers' rights and collective bargaining power.
The Industrial Relations Act 1971
The Industrial Relations Court (IRC) was a newly established legal body with powers to impose cooling-off periods and regulate industrial disputes. The Act distinguished between official strikes, organised by elected union leadership, and unofficial or wildcat strikes organised locally or spontaneously.
The legislation required trade unions to register with the IRC. Registered unions would gain legal recognition and certain protections, but in return faced restrictions on their ability to organise industrial action. The Act aimed to impose cooling-off periods during disputes and prevent demand ballots (votes on whether to strike).
Trade unions rejected this framework entirely. The Trades Union Congress opposed the Act, despite Labour having attempted something comparable in its 1969 white paper In Place of Strife. Unions refused to register with the IRC, rendering the court largely ineffective. At one stage, the IRC ordered the arrest and imprisonment of five dockers' shop stewards for non-appearance. When summoned, this action caused acute embarrassment to the government, and the Official Solicitor secured their release.
The Act's failure demonstrated the limits of legal approaches to industrial relations when unions refused cooperation and possessed sufficient solidarity to resist enforcement. This lesson would influence future governments' approaches to trade union reform.
Background: inflation and the National Coal Board
The Conservatives entered office claiming that controlling inflation was an urgent priority. Yet during Heath's premiership, inflation accelerated. When prices rose, workers felt comparatively poorer and their unions submitted demands for pay increases. After negotiations, employers agreed to pay rises. To cover these increased labour costs, employers raised the prices of their goods or services, which in turn increased the cost of related goods and services throughout the economy. This created an inflationary spiral where each round of price increases triggered further wage demands.
The Inflationary Spiral: A Step-by-Step Cycle
Step 1: Shops and businesses raise their prices for goods and services
Step 2: Workers notice their wages buy less than before, making them feel poorer in real terms
Step 3: Trade unions demand wage increases to compensate for the loss of purchasing power
Step 4: Employers agree to pay rises after negotiations
Step 5: To cover the increased labour costs, employers raise prices again
Step 6: These price increases affect the cost of goods and services throughout the economy
Result: The cycle repeats, with each round of increases triggering the next, creating a self-perpetuating spiral
The government itself was a major employer. The National Coal Board had been gradually reducing the size of the labour force as the coal industry contracted. It achieved this without making workers redundant; instead, the National Union of Mineworkers had avoided confrontation over declining pay levels relative to the average. Following years of improving pay relative to other workers, miners had fallen behind during the 1960s.
The 1972 miners' strike
In 1971, NUM president Joe Gormley succeeded in negotiating a 14% pay rise. The following year, a further pay demand was refused, leading to the first national coal strike since 1926.
Flying pickets proved highly effective during this dispute. A flying picket was a striking worker who travelled from place to place to demonstrate at the entrance to workplaces other than their own, attempting to prevent other workers from entering. Through the use of flying pickets, the NUM rapidly created a fuel crisis. Picket lines formed at power stations, preventing coal deliveries. Members of other unions refused to cross these lines.
The effectiveness of flying pickets lay in their mobility and the solidarity they generated. By travelling to key strategic locations—particularly power stations—they could multiply their impact far beyond what traditional, workplace-specific picketing could achieve. When members of other unions refused to cross these picket lines, the tactic's power increased further.
The power shortage worsened due to winter weather, and a state of emergency was declared. After seven weeks of striking, the miners accepted an improved offer from the NCB.
The high rate of inflation at this time undermined the real value of the pay rise. The government was attempting both to limit public-sector pay rises and to recommend limits to the private sector, making it reluctant to pay the miners more.
The 1974 miners' strike and three-day week
The 1973 oil crisis had pushed up the price of coal. NUM leaders were convinced their members deserved a further pay rise and that the NCB, backed by the state, could afford one. The 1974 strike reduced the availability of power to such an extent that the government was forced to introduce a three-day working week to avoid running out of fuel.
This measure restricted businesses and industry to operating just three days per week, causing substantial economic disruption. The policy demonstrated how dependent Britain's economy remained on coal-fired power generation and how vulnerable the government was to determined industrial action in this sector.
The three-day week represented an extraordinary admission of government vulnerability. By restricting the entire economy to three days of operation per week, Heath's administration acknowledged that it could not maintain normal economic activity in the face of the miners' industrial action. This drastic measure revealed the strategic importance of the coal industry and the NUM's bargaining power.
The February 1974 general election
The ongoing miners' strike formed the immediate context for the February 1974 general election. In a televised address to the nation, Heath made inflation and standing up to strikers the central issues. The strike had been conducted far more quietly than the 1972 action. A Pay Board report argued that miners were paid less than comparable employees in other industries. This finding undermined the NCB and government's position. They suffered a further blow when the director general of the Confederation of British Industry publicly declared that he hoped the next government would repeal the Industrial Relations Act.
Former leadership contender Enoch Powell announced he would not stand for re-election on the Conservative manifesto. Powell gave two reasons: first, because the election was fundamentally fraudulent, as the government was ready to concede to the miners after the election; and second, because the party had abandoned its free-market manifesto of 1970.
Powell's refusal to stand represented a significant symbolic moment. As a prominent Conservative figure, his public rejection of the party's position damaged Heath's credibility and suggested deep divisions within the Conservative Party over both industrial relations policy and broader economic strategy.
Labour made the case for increased central planning, including agreements with industry and the creation of a National Enterprise Board. Party leader Harold Wilson was careful to present a team approach, with James Callaghan, Denis Healey and others prominent in the campaign.
The Liberals made their leader Jeremy Thorpe prominent in the campaign. A poster placed his portrait alongside those of the Conservative and Labour leaders, inviting voters to "Change the Face of Britain".
Election results and aftermath
The Conservatives (37.9%) and Labour (37.2%) gained very similar shares of the vote. However, the distribution of votes gave Labour 301 seats compared to the Conservatives' 297. Heath remained at 10 Downing Street briefly, attempting to negotiate a coalition with the Liberals and reach an understanding with the Ulster Unionists. After these negotiations failed, he resigned.
Electoral Paradox
The February 1974 election produced an unusual result: the Conservatives won more votes overall but Labour won more seats. This outcome demonstrated how Britain's first-past-the-post electoral system could produce results where the popular vote and parliamentary representation diverged significantly.
The new Labour government immediately awarded the miners a substantial pay rise and repealed the 1971 Industrial Relations Act.
Key figure: Joe Gormley
Joe Gormley served as NUM president but was not politically aligned with the left wing of the union. He was willing to negotiate deals with the government and proved adept at securing favourable settlements for his members. His 1971 success in obtaining a 14% pay rise demonstrated his negotiating skills. During the 1972 strike, he supported the use of flying pickets, recognising their effectiveness in creating pressure on the government. Gormley's pragmatic approach meant he pursued members' interests through whichever tactics proved most effective, whether negotiation or industrial action.
Remember!
Key Points to Remember:
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The 1971 Industrial Relations Act failed because trade unions refused to register with the Industrial Relations Court, rendering the legal framework ineffective.
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Flying pickets proved highly effective during the 1972 miners' strike, creating a fuel crisis by preventing coal deliveries to power stations and forcing the government to concede after seven weeks.
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An inflationary spiral developed during Heath's government, where price rises led to wage demands, which led to further price increases, creating a self-perpetuating cycle.
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The 1974 miners' strike forced the government to introduce a three-day working week, demonstrating the economy's dependence on coal and the miners' industrial strength.
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The February 1974 election was fought primarily on the issues of inflation and trade union power, resulting in a narrow Labour victory (301 seats to 297) despite the Conservatives winning a slightly larger share of the vote; Labour immediately repealed the Industrial Relations Act and awarded the miners their pay claim.