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One of the DBQ topics for 5th years (sitting LC in 2026) will be the Dublin Strike and Lockout. This is one of a 4-part context driven series that will aim to help you to prepare for all eventualities in case it happens to come up. The four questions are:
This section will deal with question three.
Disclaimer: This is not a full sample, however, it will provide you with a roadmap and some key context that you can use to help inform your 40-mark essays. Feel free to use the notes in conjunction with the other DBQ prep pieces in the section.
Feel free to include a paragraph for intro and conclusion too in order to make your DBQ piece a 6 paragraph essay. (Just watch your timing!!)
At the outset of the 1913 strike, the Catholic Church remained largely neutral. Historically, The Church was wary of industrial unrest and supported a hierarchical social order. - The Church viewed both Larkin and Murphy's positions with suspicion. Larkin was a socialist whose union activism was seen as destabilising, while Murphy was part of the elite class whose interests were often at odds with the working poor, who formed much of the Church's congregation.
(Quote you might add) "Neither side holds the full truth in this dispute." — Church sentiment
Over time, the Church became more hostile toward Larkin and the ITGWU. Larkin's syndicalist ideas and association with socialist figures, such as James Connolly, made him a target of criticism from the Church. The Church feared the spread of socialism, which it saw as anti-religious and subversive. As the strike escalated, priests began preaching against the radicalism of the union, suggesting that Larkin's ideology was incompatible with Catholic values.
The Church began to show more open support for employers, including Murphy, framing the strike as disrupting social order and harmony. Priests often advocated for peace and an end to the strike, suggesting that workers should return to their jobs. The conservative elements of the Church were sympathetic to the business owners, believing that they upheld stability, family values, and economic order, which the Church deemed essential for society.
Despite siding with the employers, the Church remained concerned for the plight of the poor. It was aware that the lock-out and strike were causing immense suffering among Dublin's working-class families.
Many priests became involved in charity work, providing food and support to those impacted by the strike. However, the Church's anti-union stance alienated some of the more radical workers, who saw the Church as complicit in their oppression.
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