Reasons for Constitutional Reform (VCE SSCE Legal Studies): Revision Notes
Reasons for Constitutional Reform
The Australian Constitution came into effect on 1 January 1901, establishing the framework for Australia's legal system. While Australia operates as a stable democracy, the Constitution is not perfect and may need updates to reflect the changing circumstances and needs of Australian society. Between 1901 and early 2023, 44 proposals were put to the Australian people to change the Constitution's wording, with the first proposed in 1906.
Constitutional reform is necessary for various reasons, ranging from significant structural changes (such as becoming a republic) to smaller adjustments (such as altering election timing). Understanding these reasons helps explain why and how the Constitution might need to adapt to modern Australia's needs.
A referendum is the formal process for changing the Constitution that requires approval by the Australian people through a public vote by a double majority – meaning a majority of voters nationally and a majority of voters in a majority of states (at least four out of six states).
Four main reasons for constitutional reform
There are four primary reasons why constitutional reform may be necessary:
- To recognise Australia's First Nations people
- To increase the protection of rights
- To change the Commonwealth's law-making powers
- To reform Australia's political system
Each of these reasons addresses different aspects of how the Constitution shapes Australia's legal and political landscape.
Recognising First Nations people
The absence of First Nations recognition
The Australian Constitution currently makes no mention of First Nations people, despite their presence on the continent for at least 65,000 years before European colonisation in the late 1700s. This omission represents a significant gap in acknowledging Australia's complete history and the ongoing connection of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples to their lands.
Before 1967, the Constitution explicitly excluded First Nations people from being counted as part of the Australian population. This exclusion meant that law-making responsibilities for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples were left to individual states rather than the Commonwealth. This approach created inconsistent laws across different states, leading to varying treatment and rights for First Nations people depending on where they lived.
Proposed changes for recognition
Two main proposals have been suggested to address this constitutional gap:
First Nations Voice to Parliament
This proposal would establish a constitutionally enshrined body that allows First Nations people to provide advice to the Commonwealth Parliament on policies or laws that directly impact them. The First Nations Voice would be an independent advisory body chosen by First Nations people themselves and representative of First Nations communities. It would work alongside existing organisations and structures, giving First Nations peoples a formal mechanism to influence laws and policies affecting their communities.
The First Nations Voice would be an advisory body only – it would not have the power to make or veto laws, but would ensure that First Nations people have a formal voice in the parliamentary process when matters affect their communities.
Constitutional honour and recognition
Another proposal seeks to honour and recognise First Nations people through an amendment to the Constitution itself.
The 1999 Preamble Proposal
The 1999 referendum included a proposal to insert a preamble (an introductory statement) to the Constitution. This preamble aimed to honour "Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders, the nation's first people, for their deep kinship with their lands and for their ancient and continuing cultures which enrich the life of our country".
Although this referendum was unsuccessful, it demonstrates the ongoing desire to formally acknowledge First Nations peoples' unique status and contribution to Australia.
Increasing protection of rights
Limited express rights in the Constitution
The Australian Constitution contains only five express rights – rights explicitly stated in the constitutional text. These rights impose restrictions on what laws the Commonwealth Parliament can make, but they are better understood as limitations on law-making power rather than positive rights or freedoms for individuals.
Most rights in Australia – including freedom of thought, speech, assembly, and movement – are protected through statute law or common law rather than being entrenched in the Constitution. This means these rights can be changed by ordinary legislation without requiring a referendum.
For instance, section 116 prevents the Commonwealth from prohibiting or imposing religious practice, which effectively protects freedom of religion. However, the scope of these constitutional protections is narrow and limited. The lack of comprehensive constitutional protection means that fundamental rights can be altered through regular parliamentary processes rather than requiring the higher threshold of a referendum.
Calls for expanded rights protection
There have been ongoing calls to amend the Constitution to protect basic democratic freedoms more comprehensively. Some advocates suggest Australia should incorporate a bill of rights into the Constitution, similar to the United States Bill of Rights, which would provide a specific list of protected rights that could only be changed through referendum.
The debate around freedom of speech exemplifies these concerns about rights protection.
Freedom of speech debate: A case study
Freedom of speech is not protected by the Australian Constitution but is primarily safeguarded through statute law. The right to freedom of speech and the appropriate limitations on this right remain contentious issues in Australian society.
The Scott McIntyre Case (2015)
In 2015, former SBS sports reporter Scott McIntyre posted a series of tweets on Anzac Day to his 30,000 Twitter followers that were widely described as offensive. One tweet stated: "Wonder if the poorly-read, largely white, nationalist drinkers and gamblers pause today to consider the horror that all mankind suffered."
McIntyre was dismissed from his employment shortly after posting these tweets and refusing to delete them. His termination sparked significant debate about the extent and limits of freedom of speech in Australia.
Section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act
Before the McIntyre case, a national debate had emerged regarding section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth). This provision makes it unlawful for a person to do an act that is reasonably likely to offend, insult, humiliate or intimidate another person or group based on their race, colour, or national or ethnic origin. The federal government at the time raised concerns that this provision unreasonably limited freedom of speech. Legislation was introduced to amend the Act, but it ultimately did not pass through Parliament.
The debate over section 18C illustrates the tension between two important values: protecting people from harmful racial discrimination versus ensuring freedom of expression. This tension highlights why some believe constitutional reform is necessary to clarify where the balance should lie.
Expert perspective on constitutional protection
Professor George Williams argued in 2014 that freedom of speech should be inserted into the Constitution to provide the strongest form of protection. Such constitutional protection would allow the High Court to strike down federal laws that infringe this freedom. Williams stated: "If we are serious about protecting freedom of speech, it deserves the sort of protection that only the constitution can provide."
This debate illustrates the tension between protecting free expression and preventing harmful speech, and highlights why some believe constitutional reform is necessary to clarify and strengthen rights protection.
Changing the Commonwealth's law-making powers
Understanding law-making powers
The Australian Constitution distributes law-making powers between the Commonwealth and state governments. The Commonwealth Parliament has exclusive powers (powers only it can exercise) and concurrent powers (powers shared with states). States have concurrent powers and residual powers (powers not given to the Commonwealth that remain solely with the states).
These divisions can sometimes limit the ability of parliaments to create laws in response to changing circumstances. The Commonwealth has historically sought constitutional changes to modify these powers, both to increase and occasionally decrease its law-making authority.
Examples of proposals to increase Commonwealth powers
Industrial Relations Powers (1911 and 1913)
In 1911, the Commonwealth proposed changing the Constitution to extend its power to control companies, labour, and employment (including wages and conditions). The Commonwealth argued these were national issues requiring federal regulation to ensure consistency across Australia.
The proposal failed to pass. An almost identical reform was proposed again in 1913, but it also failed to gain the necessary support.
Aviation Powers (1919)
In 1919, the Commonwealth sought to extend its powers regarding air navigation and aircraft. Commercial aviation did not exist when the Constitution was drafted in the late 1800s, creating a gap in the Commonwealth's powers. The High Court ruled that Parliament lacked general power over aviation, prompting a referendum proposal.
However, the proposal was unsuccessful, demonstrating the difficulty of gaining public support for power increases even when circumstances have changed significantly.
Social Services Powers (1946)
A 1946 proposal sought to give the Commonwealth power to legislate on a wide range of social services, including unemployment benefits, medical and dental services, family benefits, student benefits, and parental leave allowances.
This proposal emerged because a High Court case found the Commonwealth had been legislating in these areas without actually having the constitutional power to do so. Unlike the previous examples, this proposal was successful, demonstrating that Australians will support power increases when they see clear practical benefits.
Proposals to decrease Commonwealth powers
Not all constitutional reform proposals seek to increase Commonwealth powers. Some advocate for reducing federal authority in certain areas.
The race power debate
There have been calls to repeal (remove) section 51(xxvi) of the Constitution, known as the race power. This provision gives the Commonwealth power to make laws for people of any race for whom it deems necessary to make special laws.
Critics have identified this power as potentially allowing the Commonwealth to make laws that discriminate negatively against certain races. Removing the race power would decrease the Commonwealth's law-making authority but could prevent potential discriminatory legislation.
This example shows that constitutional reform isn't always about expanding government power – sometimes it's about limiting it to protect individual rights and prevent potential abuse.
Reforming Australia's political system
Changing the timing of federal elections
Under the Constitution, the House of Representatives has a maximum term of three years, but it can be dissolved earlier by the Governor-General. This means the Constitution sets only maximum terms, allowing the Prime Minister to call elections whenever they choose before that limit expires. By contrast, the Senate has a fixed term of six years. This arrangement makes Australia unusual internationally – only about 10% of parliaments globally have three-year terms.
The 1988 Referendum
A referendum in 1988 attempted to change the Constitution to increase the House of Representatives term to four years and reduce the Senate term from six years to four years. The proposal failed to gain the necessary support.
Arguments for four-year terms
In 2004, a parliamentary committee (a small group of parliamentarians who examine specific issues) recommended extending the federal parliamentary term for the House of Representatives to four years. Supporters argue this change would:
- Encourage long-term policy decisions rather than short-term political thinking
- Enhance business confidence through greater political stability
- Save resources currently spent on frequent federal elections
- Prevent elections being called at times most convenient for the government rather than at fixed intervals
Moving to a longer, fixed-term arrangement would stop governments from timing elections to suit their political interests and ensure more predictable electoral cycles.
Allowing more people to be eligible for parliament
Australia is one of the world's most multicultural, multifaith societies. However, criticism has emerged that parliamentary representatives do not always reflect the broader composition of Australian society. The Constitution itself creates barriers that prevent some Australians from serving in Parliament.
Section 44(i) and dual citizenship
Section 44(i) of the Constitution provides that a person cannot sit as a member of the Commonwealth Parliament if they are "under any acknowledgment of allegiance, obedience, or adherence to a foreign power, or is a subject or a citizen or entitled to the rights or privileges of a subject or a citizen of a foreign power." In simpler terms, this section prevents dual citizens or dual nationals (people with citizenship in both Australia and another country) from being Commonwealth Parliament members.
Whether someone is a dual national depends on the laws of the other country involved. A country might consider a person a national even if that person doesn't accept it or isn't aware of it – for example, where a person has a parent who is a national of another country.
The Barnaby Joyce Case (2017)
In 2017, the High Court examined whether several members of parliament were validly elected, given section 44(i). The case of Barnaby Joyce MP illustrates the complexity of this provision:
Background:
- Joyce was born in New South Wales
- His father was born in New Zealand and became an Australian citizen in 1978, renouncing his New Zealand citizenship at that time
- However, at the time of Joyce's birth, his father was still a New Zealand citizen
- This meant Joyce was a New Zealand citizen by descent, even though he never applied for New Zealand citizenship and received no benefits or privileges as a New Zealand citizen
- Under New Zealand law, Joyce was considered a citizen despite having no knowledge of this status
The High Court's Decision:
In the High Court case Re Canavan (2017), Joyce argued he had no idea section 44(i) applied to him. However, the High Court found that section 44(i) makes no mention of only applying to those who know they hold foreign citizenship. The Court applied the ordinary and natural meaning of the constitutional text, ruling that dual citizens – even those unaware of their status – are ineligible to sit as members of parliament.
Original purpose and modern reality
When the Constitution was drafted, the aim of section 44(i) was to prevent "foreign infiltration" in Parliament and ensure national sovereignty. The drafters wanted to protect Parliament from foreign influences. However, at that time, there was no understanding of dual nationality as we know it today. Modern citizenship laws across different countries have created situations where Australians can unknowingly hold citizenship in other countries, making it difficult for otherwise qualified people to serve in Parliament.
Proposed reforms
There have been calls to either delete section 44(i) or amend it to clarify its effect. Some proposals suggest requiring candidates to be Australian citizens while allowing Parliament to legislate to determine disqualification where a person has foreign allegiance as a result of their ancestry. This could potentially allow more people to be eligible for parliament while still maintaining safeguards against genuine foreign influence.
Becoming a republic
A republic is a form of governance in which power is held by the people and their representatives, and in which there is an elected head of state rather than a monarch. Currently, Australia's head of state is the British monarch (currently King Charles III), though the Governor-General acts as the monarch's representative in Australia.
The 1999 Republic Referendum
In 1999, a proposal to make Australia a republic was put to the Australian people. This would have meant having an Australian person selected as head of state instead of the British monarch. The proposal failed to win majority support in any state of Australia, meaning it did not pass.
Ongoing debate
Despite the 1999 referendum's failure, many Australians believe a modern Australia should formally remove its ties to the monarchy. As of 2023, the federal government was exploring a proposed referendum on becoming a republic. Supporters argue that:
- An Australian should be Australia's head of state
- The current arrangement is a remnant of colonial history
- A republic better reflects Australia's independent national identity
- Other Commonwealth nations have successfully transitioned to republics
This represents one of the most significant potential constitutional reforms, as it would fundamentally change Australia's system of government and relationship with the monarchy.
Exam guidance
When analysing reasons for constitutional reform:
- Link to contemporary issues: Connect historical proposals to current debates (e.g., First Nations Voice, section 44 citizenship issues)
- Consider multiple perspectives: Acknowledge arguments both for and against reform proposals
- Use specific examples: Reference actual referendums, High Court cases, and legislation (e.g., Re Canavan, section 18C debates)
- Explain the significance: Don't just describe what reforms were proposed – explain why they matter and what impact they would have
- Evaluate success and failure: Consider why some referendums pass while most fail – this demonstrates understanding of constitutional change barriers
Key Points to Remember:
- The Australian Constitution has had 44 proposed changes between 1901 and early 2023, with the first in 1906
- Four main reasons for constitutional reform: recognising First Nations people, increasing rights protection, changing Commonwealth powers, and reforming the political system
- Express rights are limited to five specific provisions, and many rights are protected only by statute or common law
- The First Nations Voice would be a constitutionally enshrined body to advise Parliament on matters affecting First Nations people
- Section 44(i) prevents dual citizens from sitting in Parliament, even if they're unaware of their dual citizenship (Re Canavan 2017)
- Freedom of speech is not an express right in the Constitution, leading to ongoing debates about appropriate protections and limitations
- The Commonwealth has sought both to increase its powers (aviation, social services) and some advocate to decrease powers (race power)
- Proposals to reform election timing (three to four years) and become a republic represent significant political system changes
Key terms: republic, First Nations Voice, referendum, preamble, express rights, exclusive powers, concurrent powers, residual powers, parliamentary committee