British Governments and Imperialism (AQA A-Level History): Revision Notes
British Governments and Imperialism
Between 1874 and 1890, British governments faced competing pressures regarding imperial expansion. While party leaders adopted different rhetorical positions on imperialism, both Conservative and Liberal administrations ultimately expanded British territorial control, driven by strategic concerns, economic interests, and growing public enthusiasm for Empire.
Party political conflicts in the 1870s
During the early 1870s, the Conservative Party under Benjamin Disraeli sought to exploit imperial issues for electoral advantage. Disraeli believed that attacking the imperial policies of William Gladstone's Liberal government would win votes and distinguish the Conservatives as the party of national greatness. This tactic formed part of a broader Conservative strategy to present themselves as defenders of British interests at home and abroad.
The ideological divide between Conservatives and Liberals on imperial matters became a defining feature of British politics in the 1870s and 1880s. However, as we shall see, rhetoric and practice often diverged significantly.
Gladstone's Liberals, by contrast, championed peace, retrenchment (reducing government expenditure), and reform as their core principles. The Liberal leader expressed scepticism about imperial ventures, which he regarded as costly distractions from domestic priorities. This ideological divide between the parties created a political battleground where imperial policy became intertwined with questions of national identity and Britain's role in the world.
Disraeli and the Conservative embrace of imperialism (1874-80)
In his Crystal Palace speech of 1872, Disraeli mounted a sustained attack on Liberal attitudes towards the Empire. He criticised the Liberal government's India policy and their willingness to grant self-government to settler colonies without establishing mechanisms for continued imperial unity.
Customs Union
A customs union refers to an arrangement where states trade freely amongst themselves while maintaining common external tariffs. Disraeli's criticism centred on the Liberal failure to create such arrangements to bind the Empire together economically and politically.
Disraeli's rhetoric resonated with voters concerned about Britain's international standing. His speeches portrayed the Conservatives as the party committed to maintaining British power and prestige. With assistance from his colonial secretary, the Earl of Carnarvon, Disraeli defeated Gladstone in the 1874 election and appeared poised to pursue an activist imperial agenda.
Imperial actions under Disraeli
Once in office, the Disraeli government took several steps that seemed to confirm its imperial commitment:
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In 1874, Britain assumed control of Fiji, adding Pacific territories to the Empire.
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In 1875, Disraeli authorised the purchase of Suez Canal Company shares from the bankrupt Khedive of Egypt. This gave Britain substantial influence over a waterway of immense strategic importance for maintaining communications with India and the East. The purchase demonstrated Disraeli's willingness to make bold moves to protect British interests.
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In 1876, Parliament passed legislation granting Queen Victoria the title Empress of India. This symbolic act appeared to emphasise Disraeli's dedication to formal imperial rule. The new title proved controversial, however. Some Liberals, including Gladstone, denounced it as theatrical showmanship and pretentious posturing. Yet the title had lasting significance—Victoria came to personify imperial authority, with her name attached to geographical features throughout the Empire. Statues of the queen-empress became fixtures in major imperial cities, reinforcing the connection between monarchy and Empire in the public imagination.
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In 1879, Britain became entangled in war against Afghanistan, and later against the Zulus in southern Africa. These conflicts suggested an aggressive expansionist policy.
The title Empress of India remained deeply symbolic throughout Victoria's reign. It represented the formal recognition of Britain's most important imperial possession and helped popularise the idea of Empire among the British public. Victoria herself became deeply attached to the title and what it represented.
Reassessing Disraeli's imperialism
Despite this apparently pro-imperial record, historians debate whether Disraeli genuinely cared about Empire or merely exploited it for political gain. Several factors complicate the picture:
The Disraeli Paradox
Disraeli had previously dismissed the colonies as "millstones round our necks" during the 1860s, suggesting his conversion to imperialism might have been opportunistic rather than principled. This dramatic shift in position raises questions about whether his imperial enthusiasm was genuine commitment or political calculation.
In practice, Disraeli largely delegated imperial matters to Carnarvon, who was an enthusiastic expansionist. The prime minister himself devoted little attention to Empire, focusing instead on problems in the eastern Mediterranean and managing relations with Russia, which threatened British interests in India.
Disraeli's government actually spent little on imperial projects and added relatively little territory to the Empire compared with what would follow. Much of his premiership was consumed by non-imperial issues, particularly the deteriorating situation in the Balkans and Near East.
By 1880, most British voters had come to regard the Conservatives as the imperialist party, exactly as Disraeli intended. This perception persisted even though his government's actual imperial record was mixed. Ironically, Disraeli lost the 1880 election despite successfully positioning his party as champions of Empire, suggesting that imperial enthusiasm alone could not guarantee electoral success.
Gladstone's Midlothian campaign (1879-80)
After resigning his parliamentary seat in 1874 following electoral defeat, Gladstone retired from active politics. However, the 1870s witnessed developments that appalled him, particularly Disraeli's confrontational approach towards Russia and involvement in conflicts in Afghanistan. Describing Disraeli's foreign policy as a "crime against God", Gladstone emerged from retirement to contest the Scottish constituency of Midlothian.
During the Midlothian campaign, Gladstone launched a fierce assault on what he characterised as Disraeli's imperialist ambitions. He contended that the only appropriate response to the drift towards imperialism was championing peace and avoiding unnecessary imperial engagements. This anti-imperial message helped secure a convincing Liberal victory in the 1880 election.
Jingoism
Jingoism describes extreme patriotic sentiment. The term originated from a popular song of the 1870s when Disraeli threatened war with Russia. The lyrics declared, "We don't want to fight but by jingo if we do; we've got the ships, we've got the men; we've got the money too." Gladstone positioned himself against this aggressive nationalism, arguing that imperial adventures were morally wrong and financially extravagant.
Gladstone in office (1880-5): contradictions and compromises
Gladstone's return to power with an anti-imperial mandate soon encountered practical difficulties. His government faced immediate challenges that forced compromises with his stated principles:
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Conservatives naturally criticised Gladstone's anti-imperial stance, with many regarding Disraeli as a national hero who had defended British interests.
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Queen Victoria viewed Gladstone as a dangerous revolutionary and made her displeasure clear.
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Even within his own Liberal Party, Gladstone confronted divisions. Some Liberals supported imperial expansion, whilst others (particularly radicals) focused on domestic welfare reforms to assist the poor.
Imperial expansion despite anti-imperial rhetoric
The Great Liberal Contradiction
Despite Gladstone's opposition to what he termed "annexationism"—acquiring territories simply because annexation was possible—his government became entangled in imperial ventures worldwide. Somewhat ironically, more territory was added to the British Empire during Gladstone's administration than under Disraeli's. This contradiction between principle and practice revealed the practical constraints facing any British government in this period.
The occupation of Egypt in 1882 represented a severe blow to Gladstone's non-interventionist principles. He justified British military action by reference to Britain's economic interests in Egypt and concern about protecting his own personal wealth, much of which consisted of Egyptian stocks and shares. This decision contradicted the moral stance he had declared would guide Liberal policy.
Protectorates vs. Colonies
Of all territorial acquisitions in the early 1880s, only Bechuanaland (modern Botswana) could be classified as a formal colony. The remainder were designated protectorates—territories effectively controlled and administered by Britain without formal annexation. This allowed Gladstone to claim he had avoided the "scramble for Africa" whilst still extending British influence substantially. The distinction was largely technical rather than practical.
Growing imperialist sentiment and public concern
Although imperial issues did not determine Disraeli's victory in 1874 or his defeat in 1880, public attitudes were shifting. Most voters in 1880 remained preoccupied with domestic concerns rather than imperial questions. Nevertheless, governments in the 1870s and 1880s operated in an environment of growing imperialist sentiment.
Politicians increasingly assumed that public opinion favoured imperial expansion, regardless of whether this directly influenced their policy decisions. Governments that appeared to neglect British interests faced considerable risk. The reaction to Major-General Gordon's death at Khartoum in 1885 demonstrated the intensity of imperialist feeling. Gladstone, who was unsympathetic to Gordon's plight, suffered politically as a consequence.
Newspapers played a substantial role in shaping opinion. The Times and Daily Telegraph, along with periodicals such as Spectator and Punch, increasingly criticised Gladstonian Liberalism from 1885-6 onwards. A growing faction of imperialists within the Liberal Party itself approached open revolt against the leadership.
By the 1880s, newspapers expressed mounting concern about the Empire's condition. Britain experienced economic depression at home whilst facing growing international tensions abroad. What might be termed "popular" imperialism—the variety associated with national self-confidence—evolved partly from national self-doubt, as Britain's global position faced challenges from rising powers.
The 1886 election and Irish Home Rule
Irish Home Rule
Irish Home Rule proposed that Ireland should possess its own Parliament and function essentially independently from the rest of Britain. This question ultimately fractured the Liberal Party and reshaped British politics for a generation.
Gladstone sympathised with Irish Nationalist demands and introduced a Home Rule Bill in 1881. This decision exposed him to accusations of inconsistency: critics argued that if he would grant Home Rule to Ireland, similar arrangements might be extended to India and other colonies. Over 50 Liberal MPs rejected Gladstone's position and formed a separate Liberal Unionist faction.
The Liberal Split of 1886
The Conservative/Liberal Unionist alliance secured an overwhelming victory in the 1886 election. Subsequently, they cooperated closely in Parliament, particularly as Gladstone remained Liberal leader and continued championing Home Rule for Ireland. The split permanently weakened the Liberals and ensured Conservative dominance for much of the following two decades. This realignment of British politics had profound implications for imperial policy.
Lord Salisbury's pragmatic imperialism (1886-92, 1895-1902)
Lord Salisbury served as Conservative prime minister from 1886-92 and again from 1895-1902, with an additional brief tenure in 1885-6. Throughout much of this period, he also held the position of foreign secretary. His approach to imperialism was notably pragmatic rather than ideological.
Salisbury expressed cynicism about high-minded justifications for Empire. "If our ancestors had cared for the rights of other people," he observed, "the British Empire would not have been made." He understood the Empire's purpose as enhancing Britain's wealth and power, not spreading enlightenment or moral improvement. His frankness about imperial motives contrasted sharply with the rhetoric of both Disraeli and Gladstone.
Despite awareness of the Empire's costs, Salisbury proved reluctant to commit resources unless Britain's moves risked being countered by rival powers. He preferred British commercial enterprises to assume administrative responsibilities wherever possible. His determination to maintain British national interest at minimum expense meant that retrenchment remained central to colonial policy in the late 1880s, much as it had been in the 1850s.
Salisbury made only the minimum responses he judged compatible with British interests when facing challenges. This cautious approach reflected both fiscal conservatism and strategic calculation. Nevertheless, when he perceived threats to British interests—particularly from other European powers competing for colonial territories—he proved willing to act decisively. In 1899, he led Britain into the Boer War, demonstrating that pragmatism could justify major military commitments when circumstances demanded.
His policy of "splendid isolation"—avoiding entanglements or alliances with other major powers—characterised much of his foreign secretaryship. This stance reflected confidence in Britain's global position but also recognition that maintaining the Empire required careful management of limited resources.
Key Points to Remember:
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Disraeli positioned the Conservatives as the party of Empire through rhetoric (particularly the 1872 Crystal Palace speech), but his actual imperial record was modest, with most expansion occurring under Gladstone's supposedly anti-imperial government.
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Gladstone's Midlothian campaign opposed jingoism and imperial adventures, yet his 1880-5 government acquired more territory than Disraeli's, most notably through the 1882 occupation of Egypt, revealing the gap between Liberal principles and practical politics.
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Public imperialist sentiment grew substantially during the 1880s, influenced by newspapers and demonstrated by reactions to events such as Gordon's death at Khartoum in 1885, creating pressure on governments regardless of their stated policies.
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The 1886 split over Irish Home Rule fractured the Liberal Party permanently, with Liberal Unionists allying with Conservatives and ensuring Conservative dominance for the following decades.
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Lord Salisbury's pragmatic imperialism prioritised Britain's national interests and cost-effectiveness over ideological commitment, making minimum responses compatible with defending British power whilst avoiding unnecessary expenses or entanglements.