Discontent in Russia (AQA A-Level History): Revision Notes
Discontent in Russia
By February 1917, confidence in the Tsarist regime had collapsed across all levels of Russian society. Everyday grumbling mixed with despondency at lower levels of society, whilst at other levels demonstrations and outbursts became commonplace. Although most ordinary men and women remained patriotic and many professed love for the Tsar, their daily struggle for survival increased their indifference to the fate of their rulers. This anger manifested itself through strikes, riots, and violence directed at employers and landlords.
The loss of confidence in the Tsarist regime by February 1917 represented a critical turning point in Russian history. This discontent cut across all social classes, from industrial workers and peasants to military personnel and even members of the aristocracy, creating a dangerous situation for the regime.
Economic discontent
Urban unemployment and factory closures
In many urban centres, particularly Petrograd and Moscow, unemployment rose sharply. Non-military factories, deprived of vital supplies, closed down. These closures were described as lock-outs, whereby factories producing non-essential goods were deliberately shut. Some lock-outs and strikes received direct encouragement from the German government in a calculated attempt to foster industrial unrest and undermine Russia's war effort.
The closures devastated what little industry remained operational. The cost of living rose by 300%, whilst death rates increased because of workers' insanitary lodgings and the inadequacies of their diets, leaving thousands living on the brink of starvation.
Lock-outs refer to the closure of non-military factories producing non-essential goods. These closures were often deliberate and sometimes encouraged by Germany to destabilize Russia's economy and war effort. The impact was devastating: workers lost their livelihoods whilst the cost of living soared, creating a crisis of survival for urban populations.
Inflation crisis
Inflation reached extreme levels by the beginning of 1917. Essential goods experienced dramatic price increases compared to pre-war figures:
| Item | Percentage increase |
|---|---|
| Sugar | 483% |
| Meat | 232% |
| Butter | 124% |
| Flour | 99% |
| Wages | 133% |
| Rouble value | 53% |
These figures reveal that whilst wages increased by 133%, they failed to keep pace with the cost of basic foodstuffs. The value of the rouble fell to just over half its pre-war worth, compounding the economic hardship faced by ordinary Russians.
The inflation data shows the catastrophic economic situation facing ordinary Russians. Sugar prices had nearly quintupled (483% increase), whilst wages had increased by only 133% - meaning workers' real purchasing power had dramatically declined. The rouble's value falling to 53% of its pre-war level meant that even those with steady employment struggled to afford basic necessities.
Industrial strikes
In January 1917, mass strikes erupted in Russia's two largest cities. 30,000 workers went on strike in Moscow, whilst 145,000 struck in Petrograd. These strikes demonstrated the depth of worker discontent and the regime's inability to maintain order in its industrial heartlands.
Social discontent
The everyday needs of ordinary Russians increasingly took precedence over loyalty to the regime. The struggle to survive and meet basic requirements fostered indifference to the fate of the ruling class. Anger was mostly directed at those immediately above in the social hierarchy, manifesting through strikes, riots, and violence against employers or landlords.
There were also outbursts of anger that sometimes led to desertion within the army ranks. The ordinary soldiers faced hardship and horrendous casualties on the front line. Operating conditions proved appalling, particularly during the winter of 1916 to 1917 when temperatures fell to 35 degrees below zero. Little wonder that near mutiny occurred in some regiments as peasant conscripts lost any heart to continue fighting.
Military Conditions and Morale
The extreme conditions faced by Russian soldiers during the winter of 1916-1917 proved catastrophic for military morale. Temperatures of 35 degrees below zero, combined with inadequate supplies, horrendous casualties, and appalling operating conditions, led to near mutiny in some regiments. Peasant conscripts, already struggling with the hardships of war, began to lose heart and desert in increasing numbers.
Political discontent from the right
Political discontent proved strong amongst those who traditionally supported the regime. Aleksandr Guchkov, one of the founders of the Progressive bloc (a political grouping formed to push for reform), engaged in talks with senior army officers in 1916 about a possible coup to force the Tsar's abdication. His colleague, Pavel Milyukov, openly accused the Tsar's ministers of seeking peace with Germany and betraying the Duma back in November 1916.
In January 1917, Prince Lvov indirectly asked the Tsar's uncle, Grand Duke Nicholas, whether he would be prepared to take over the throne. This inquiry from a member of the elite demonstrated how deeply discontent had penetrated even aristocratic circles.
The fact that senior political figures from the traditional ruling class - men like Guchkov, Milyukov, and Prince Lvov - were openly discussing coups, accusing ministers of treason, and approaching members of the royal family about replacing the Tsar shows how widespread discontent had become. These were not revolutionaries or radicals, but establishment figures who had lost faith in the regime's ability to govern effectively.
Political discontent from the left
On the left, direct challenge proved less immediate since most leaders lived in exile. In any case, differences of opinion existed among socialist groups about whether or not they should support the war effort. Lenin, living in Switzerland, rejected the majority view and claimed that the war must be turned into a civil war of the proletarian soldiers against their own governments. However, whilst the radical socialist agitators within Russia undoubtedly helped to stir up discontent, Lenin commanded no more than 10,000 followers at this time.
Despite Lenin's radical rhetoric about turning the war into a civil war against the government, his influence in early 1917 was limited. With most socialist leaders in exile and disagreements about supporting the war effort dividing the left, the immediate revolutionary threat came not from organized socialist movements but from spontaneous unrest driven by economic hardship and military failures.
Government intelligence assessment
The situation in January 1917 received official documentation through a government-commissioned Okhrana report (the Okhrana being the secret police intelligence agency). This report stated:
Okhrana Report - January 1917
The following assessment was produced by the Tsarist regime's own intelligence agency:
"There was a marked increase in hostile feelings among the peasants, not only against the government but against all other social groups. The proletariat of the capital stood on the verge of despair. The mass of industrial workers appeared quite ready to let themselves go to the wildest excesses of a hunger riot. The prohibition of all labour meetings, the closing of trade unions, the suspension of labour newspapers, and similar measures led the more advanced and already revolutionary-minded elements to assume an openly hostile attitude towards the Government and to protest with all means at their disposal against the continuation of the war."
This assessment demonstrated that the regime understood the depth of the crisis it faced, recognising hostility across peasant, worker, and revolutionary groups.
The Okhrana report is particularly significant because it came from the regime's own intelligence service. This was not opposition propaganda or revolutionary agitation - it was the government's own analysis warning of widespread hostile feelings, worker despair, the threat of hunger riots, and increasingly revolutionary attitudes. The fact that the regime had this information but failed to act effectively shows the paralysis gripping the Tsarist government by early 1917.
Aleksandr Ivanovich Guchkov
Aleksandr Ivanovich Guchkov (1862-1936) was a wealthy Moscow businessman who became the leader of the Octobrist party. He became Minister of War and of the Navy in the Provisional Government of 1917 but resigned when his policy of continuing war until victory was rejected by the Soviet in May. He supported the Whites in the Civil War and emigrated to Berlin in 1921.
Pavel Nikolayevich Milyukov
Pavel Nikolayevich Milyukov (1859-1943) was an academic historian who founded the Constitutional Democrat (Kadet) Party in 1905. He became Foreign Minister in the 1917 Provisional Government but, along with Guchkov, was forced out in May over his support for 'war to victory'. He also supported the Whites in the Civil War, and emigrated to Paris when they were defeated.
Key Points to Remember:
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By February 1917, confidence in the Tsarist regime had collapsed across all social classes, from peasants to aristocrats.
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Economic hardship proved extreme: inflation reached 483% for sugar whilst wages rose only 133%, and mass strikes paralysed Moscow (30,000 workers) and Petrograd (145,000 workers) in January 1917.
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Army morale disintegrated as soldiers faced appalling conditions including temperatures of 35 degrees below zero, leading to near mutiny in some regiments.
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Political opposition emerged from both right (Guchkov discussed a coup, Milyukov accused ministers of treason, Prince Lvov approached Grand Duke Nicholas about taking the throne) and left (Lenin advocated civil war, though he commanded only 10,000 followers).
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The regime's own intelligence (Okhrana reports) documented widespread hostile feelings among peasants, despair among workers, and the danger of 'hunger riots', demonstrating official awareness of the catastrophic situation.