Reasons for Renewed Tensions (AQA A-Level History): Revision Notes
Reasons for renewed tensions
The late 1970s marked a dramatic shift in superpower relations, as the cooperative spirit of détente gave way to heightened hostility. This transition stemmed primarily from the Soviet Union's December 1979 invasion of Afghanistan, which triggered American concerns about Soviet expansionism and prompted a reassessment of Western policy toward Moscow. Understanding these developments requires examining the Afghan crisis, the American response, and the emergence of new political leadership that would reshape the Cold War landscape.
The Soviet Union and Afghanistan, 1978-79
Background to the crisis
In April 1978, a military coup removed Mohammad Daoud Khan from power in Afghanistan. Khan, a cousin of Afghanistan's former king, had governed since 1973 with backing from the leftist People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA). The same faction that initially supported him ultimately orchestrated his removal, primarily because Khan failed to implement the socialist programmes to which he had committed. This internal power struggle created instability that would draw Soviet attention and intervention.
The PDPA regime
The PDPA was a communist organisation that had supported Khan's rise to power but later turned against him when he proved insufficiently radical. After seizing control in 1978, the PDPA rapidly fractured into competing factions. Hafizullah Amin emerged as the leader of one dominant group, which initiated a programme of radical and disruptive land reform.
The PDPA reformers launched a campaign against Islamic influence in Afghan society, rejecting traditional religious practices such as the wearing of the Islamic veil and the use of Islamic green in the national flag. Such policies alienated many Afghans and destabilised the regime's authority.
The Soviets grew increasingly worried that the PDPA government, despite being their ally, was rapidly losing control. Amin appeared unreliable and incapable of managing the rising Islamic opposition he confronted. Soviet leaders feared that Afghanistan might realign with the United States, Pakistan, or China, which would eliminate Soviet influence in a strategically positioned neighbour. The prospect of losing Afghanistan represented both an ideological setback and a threat to Soviet security interests in Central Asia.
Soviet interests and motivations
The USSR possessed multiple reasons for viewing Afghanistan as strategically important:
Geographical considerations: Afghanistan shared a border with the Soviet Union stretching 2,500 kilometres, directly adjoining the Muslim-majority Central Asian republics of the USSR. Any instability or hostile alignment in Afghanistan could potentially spread unrest into Soviet territory.
Ideological and regional influence: Afghanistan functioned as a socialist state and regional ally of the USSR. If it aligned with America, this would strengthen the USA's geostrategic position in the region at the expense of Soviet influence. Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev worried that Afghanistan could be transformed into an American ally, thereby establishing a hostile presence on the Soviet southern border.
Security concerns: The USSR needed to protect its own security interests. Brezhnev believed Afghanistan had to remain a buffer protecting Soviet security, given its geostrategic position. The only effective way to ensure this security, from the Soviet perspective, was to undertake military intervention in Afghanistan. This would restore a stable and popular socialist state that remained loyal to the Soviet Union.
Soviet Justification for Intervention
The Soviets viewed their actions in Afghanistan as consistent with the Basic Principles of détente, agreed in 1972. They considered the military intervention a defensive act designed to prevent Afghanistan from descending into chaos and falling victim to hostile external influences. For Soviet planners, intervention aimed to preserve, not destroy, the existing situation. The Soviets understood the Basic Principles as an implicit acceptance that each superpower's essential interests had to be protected.
In January 1980, Brezhnev attempted to justify the invasion by arguing that imperialism and its accomplices had launched an undeclared war against revolutionary Afghanistan. He claimed that the well-advanced plot by external forces had created a genuine threat that Afghanistan could lose its independence and become an imperialist military base on the Soviet Union's southern border. Brezhnev framed the intervention as assistance requested by the Afghan government to defend national independence and freedom from armed aggression.
The invasion
In December 1979, Soviet forces invaded Afghanistan. This military action would profoundly affect international politics throughout the 1980s, effectively ending the era of détente and initiating what became known as the Second Cold War.
The USA's reaction to Afghanistan, 1978-79
The Iranian connection
Events in Afghanistan acquired greater importance for America when, in its neighbouring country Iran, the Shah's pro-American regime was overthrown by anti-American Islamic fundamentalists led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.
Khomeini was an Iranian Shi'ite Muslim leader who had lived in exile in Iraq because of his opposition to the Shah of Iran, only returning when the Shah's regime collapsed in 1979. He transformed Iran into an Islamic fundamentalist republic, ruthlessly oppressing all opposition and executing thousands of opponents during his rule.
The Americans feared that Khomeini's regime would collapse, leaving Iran vulnerable to leftist and even communist influences. This could further reinforce Soviet regional influence. Soviet connections with Afghanistan consequently began to assume greater importance for American strategic planning. At his summit meeting with Brezhnev, President Jimmy Carter emphasised the USA's growing concerns. He stressed that America had not interfered in Afghanistan's internal affairs and did not expect the USSR to do so either.
Carter's initial measures
Carter characterised the Soviet intervention as a flagrant breach of international protocol and a major threat to international peace. He judged that any possibility of early ratification of the SALT II arms limitation agreements was impossible. On 3 January 1980, Carter formally requested that the US Senate postpone indefinitely any further consideration of the SALT II agreement because of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
The following day, 4 January 1980, Carter addressed the nation and set out a series of measures aimed at the Soviet Union:
- A deferral of action on cultural and economic exchanges
- Major restrictions on Soviet fishing privileges in American waters
- A ban on the sale of high technology and strategic items to the Soviets
- An embargo on sales of grain to the Soviet Union
- US military and economic assistance to Pakistan to enhance that state's security
The broader implications
Carter referred to the intervention as a blatant breach of international protocol and a major threat to international peace. The invasion demonstrated, in Carter's view, that the Soviet Union had taken a radical and aggressive new step, using its military power against a relatively defenceless nation.
Carter's Assessment of the Threat
Carter warned that the implications of the Soviet invasion could pose the most serious threat to world peace since the Second World War. He emphasised that the region which was threatened by Soviet troops in Afghanistan possessed great strategic importance, containing two-thirds of the world's exportable oil. The Soviet Union was attempting to consolidate a strategic position that posed a grave threat to the free movement of Middle East oil.
Carter made clear that any attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region would be regarded as an assault on the essential interests of the United States of America. Such an assault would be repelled by any means necessary, including military force.
The Carter Doctrine, 1980
Announcement and content
On 23 January 1980, President Carter unveiled what became known as the Carter Doctrine in his annual State of the Union address. The Carter Doctrine translated into an American commitment to prevent any further Soviet advance into the Persian Gulf and Southern Asia. It emphasised the prospect of a military solution to any such expansionism and therefore focused on building up US strategic forces. The doctrine also reinforced the need for America to strengthen its relations with China.
Carter feared that the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan represented a new direction in Soviet global strategy. He was concerned that it marked an initial step in establishing a Soviet presence not only in the Persian Gulf but also in the Indian Ocean. Such developments would enable the USSR to threaten essential oil shipments upon which the West depended. Carter's administration had experienced an era of energy shortages and rising oil prices, making control over Middle Eastern oil supplies particularly urgent.
Impact on Western alliances
Carter attempted to persuade the NATO alliance and the West to suspend East–West détente. However, détente in Europe was working beneficially for Western European nations. Whilst Europe deplored Soviet actions over Afghanistan, its leaders were not prepared to suspend détente in Europe. European trade links with the Soviet Union not only continued but expanded. Europe did not perceive its interests being served by allowing itself to become a pawn in America's global power strategy.
Carter announced an increase in the defence budget for 1981. In effect, he had linked America's relations with the Soviet Union and the future of détente to the Soviet Union's decision to maintain a military presence in Afghanistan. The Soviets would have to submit to America's demands for their withdrawal. This represented an ultimatum and shut down any possibility of a diplomatic solution.
The end of détente
The Carter Doctrine marked a massive overreaction by America. The Soviets took the view that American leadership in 1980 had used the intervention in Afghanistan as a pretext that enabled them to dismantle détente, revive the nuclear arms race, and build up a position of strength for America in the Persian Gulf. From the Soviet perspective, America's actions were not seen as a response to their intervention but as opportunistic international behaviour. America was simply waiting for 'an Afghanistan' to occur in order to fulfil its real aim of bringing détente to an end.
The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan delivered the final blow to détente's existence. As far as the West was concerned, the invasion demanded international condemnation and a policy of containment to prevent further Soviet expansionism. The invasion did not represent a threat to world peace greater than any since the Second World War, yet that was the interpretation taken by America. The Carter administration determined that its entire relationship with the Soviet Union depended on a Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan.
Fundamental Shift in US-Soviet Relations
Carter had made a fundamental shift in Soviet–American relations. The United States had moved away from the Nixon–Kissinger position of cooperation with, and management of, the development of Soviet power. It reverted to a position of containment more associated with the Truman–Eisenhower–Kennedy approach. This position was enshrined in the Carter Doctrine.
New personalities
Ronald Reagan's election
The 1980s brought a new era in the Cold War. After the period of détente, the presidency of Ronald Reagan brought tension and suspicion. Public opinion once more began to fear the outright possibility of nuclear war. The 1980s saw the arms race accelerate, and the superpowers gained the capability to destroy the earth several times over.
Reagan was originally a Hollywood film star who entered politics in 1966. He was a right-wing Republican who cut spending on domestic social programmes whilst increasing military spending. He adopted an aggressive policy towards Central America, and in 1983 he ordered the invasion of Grenada in order to remove a Marxist regime.
Reagan's approach to the Soviet Union
Reagan's June 1982 speech before the British Parliament clearly set the tone for his relationship with the Soviet Union. He referenced the contrast between totalitarian regimes in the Soviet sphere (from Stettin on the Baltic to Varna on the Black Sea) and democratic systems in the West. Reagan declared that regimes planted by totalitarianism had endured more than thirty years to establish their legitimacy, yet none had been able to risk free elections. He argued that regimes planted by bayonets do not take root.
Reagan's Democratic Vision
Reagan stated his objective quite simply: to foster the infrastructure of democracy. He had often wondered about the shyness of some in the West about standing for this ideal. He invoked the image of an elderly lady whose home was bombed in the Blitz, who had stored a bottle of brandy behind her staircase. When rescuers found it and offered her a taste, she said to put it back for emergencies. Reagan used this anecdote to declare: "Well, the emergency is upon us. Let us be shy no longer. Let us go to our strength. Let us offer hope. Let us tell the world that a new age is not only possible but probable."
There was never the slightest chance that Reagan would contemplate war to remove the Soviet Union's ideological, political, and economic stranglehold over Eastern Europe. However, Reagan was determined to pursue aggressive policies that were designed to change Soviet behaviour. Reagan was convinced that détente had resulted in America's trust in the Soviet Union being misplaced.
Key Points to Remember:
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The April 1978 coup in Afghanistan and the subsequent instability of the PDPA regime prompted Soviet fears about losing a strategic ally, leading to the December 1979 invasion.
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The Soviet Union viewed Afghanistan as essential to its security due to their shared 2,500km border, the country's geostrategic position, and concerns about Islamic fundamentalism spreading into Soviet Central Asia.
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President Carter responded to the invasion with economic sanctions, military assistance to Pakistan, postponement of SALT II, and the announcement of the Carter Doctrine, which committed America to defending the Persian Gulf by military force if necessary.
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The Carter Doctrine marked the end of détente, shifting American policy from the Nixon–Kissinger approach of cooperation to the Truman–Eisenhower–Kennedy approach of containment.
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Ronald Reagan's election in 1980 brought an aggressive, anti-communist approach to the Cold War, rejecting détente and pursuing policies designed to change Soviet behaviour rather than accommodate it.