Conservative Governments and Political Dominance (AQA A-Level History): Revision Notes

Conservative Governments and Political Dominance

The 1951 general election and Conservative victory

The 1951 general election marked a turning point in post-war British politics. Despite Labour winning more votes than the Conservatives (48.8% compared to 48.0%), the first-past-the-post electoral system delivered more parliamentary seats to the Conservatives. First-past-the-post is a voting system whereby the candidate with the most votes in each constituency wins a seat in Parliament. This system meant that the Conservatives secured 321 seats against Labour's 295, allowing Winston Churchill to form a new government.

Douglas Jay, a Labour MP who served in the cabinets of Attlee (1947-1950) and Wilson (1964-1967), described the 1951 election as "the most fiercely fought, passionate, neck-and-neck campaign" of his political career. The election campaign took place against a backdrop of multiple challenges for Labour. The Bevanite quarrel had split the party when Aneurin Bevan resigned as Minister of Labour over the government's decision to introduce prescription charges. Ernest Bevin's death and negative press coverage further weakened Labour's position. The close result demonstrated how narrow the Conservative victory was—Labour actually won more votes than ever before—but the 1951 election determined British politics for the next thirteen years.

The Conservative government came to power during an economically favourable period. Following the difficult years of post-war austerity under Attlee, living standards began to rise for the first time since the 1930s, and wartime restrictions eased. This timing proved advantageous for the Conservatives, who could benefit from economic improvements they had not created. Many Labour politicians expected the Conservatives would struggle with Britain's economic difficulties and anticipated a quick return to power. They were wrong. Labour would not return to government for another thirteen years.

Churchill as prime minister, 1951-1955

Winston Churchill had gained his reputation leading wartime Britain to victory, but the Churchill of 1951-1955 was not a dynamic post-war leader. He was an old man—80 years old when he finally retired in 1955—suffering from multiple serious ailments. Churchill suffered a serious stroke in 1953 that left him with impaired speech, though this was kept secret at the time. His age and declining health meant he lacked the energy and focus for the detailed work of domestic government.

Beyond physical limitations, Churchill showed little interest in domestic politics. He had always thought of himself as an international statesman rather than a domestic politician. He spent more time abroad meeting world leaders or relaxing at his favourite holiday destinations than working in Downing Street. Churchill believed his main priority was preventing another world conflict, particularly given the dangers of nuclear war. This preoccupation with international affairs meant domestic policy received limited attention from the prime minister.

Churchill's political background further complicated his leadership. He had started as a Conservative but joined the Liberals in 1904, serving as a Liberal cabinet minister before the First World War. He rejoined the Conservative Party in 1924. As prime minister in the 1950s, he attempted to persuade Liberals to join his cabinet and used non-Conservative peers to oversee ministries. He believed he was above party politics, though this created tensions with Conservative traditionalists.

Churchill's absenteeism meant day-to-day government was often left with the acting prime minister, Anthony Eden, and ministers such as Rab Butler, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Harold Macmillan, who served as housing minister. The Chancellor of the Exchequer is the government minister responsible for economic and financial policy and is often the most powerful person in the government after the prime minister. Although Butler was not an economist, Churchill believed he would work well with Parliament and the trade unions, avoiding social and industrial conflict. Conservatives more critical of the post-war consensus had more limited roles, and suggestions of a radical break from post-war policies were rejected.

Tensions existed within Churchill's government. Butler, Macmillan and Eden did not get on well; these rivalries lasted throughout the thirteen years of Conservative rule. Relations also became strained between Churchill and Eden. As Churchill's heir-apparent, Eden frequently became impatient waiting for Churchill to step down.

Eden as prime minister, 1955-1957

When Eden finally took power in 1955, there were initially high hopes in the Conservative Party. Eden called a general election and increased the Conservative majority from 17 seats to 60. Butler became Chancellor and Macmillan became Foreign Secretary. Almost all of Eden's previous political experience had been in foreign policy, and within six months some Conservatives were voicing disquiet with his leadership. His lack of experience and interest in domestic affairs became more apparent. He was anxious about making decisions and particularly conscious of his lack of knowledge on economic issues.

Like Churchill, Eden aimed to prevent industrial conflict, leading to criticism that he was too conciliatory with the trade unions. His weakness as leader was exemplified by his attempt to move Macmillan from the Foreign Office to the Treasury in October 1955. Macmillan did not want to move and managed to delay the transfer until December. However, Eden's decision to take military action during the Suez Crisis in 1956 truly soured his reputation as leader.

While Suez was first and foremost a diplomatic and military fiasco marking a turning point for Britain's illusions of imperial power, it was also a political crisis. Eden came under heavy attack from the Labour Party in Parliament and from sections of the national press, notably the Manchester Guardian. He was accused of lying to the House of Commons, and his reputation was badly damaged. Eden had told the House of Commons that Britain did not know that Israel planned to attack Egypt in December 1956; in reality, the plan for France and Britain to intervene in Egypt after an Israeli invasion had been in place since October.

Suez also caused problems within the Conservative Party. The colonial minister, Anthony Nutting, resigned from the cabinet. There was a rebellion by nearly 40 Conservative MPs. The Chief Whip, Edward Heath, who was responsible for keeping the party in line, was himself strongly opposed to Eden's actions. Worst of all for the government, the pressure from the United States had exposed Britain's financial weakness. Eden never recovered from Suez and resigned early in 1957, citing ill health.

The Conservative Party was not seriously damaged by Suez. Although Macmillan had initially supported the intervention into Suez, he succeeded Eden as prime minister. Macmillan's main rival was R. A. Butler, but Butler was not nearly as popular within the Conservative Party as he was with the country. His reputation had been damaged by introducing tax cuts shortly before the 1955 election which then had to be reversed after the election as the economy overheated. Most of Eden's cabinet preferred Macmillan, and so he emerged as the leader. Macmillan was seen as a safe choice with few enemies. There were also echoes of the past: Macmillan had disagreed with the Conservative government in the 1930s over both the policy of appeasement and the way to deal with the Great Depression and high unemployment. Butler, however, had been closely linked to the policy of appeasement. Appeasement was a policy of making concessions in order to avoid conflict; in the 1930s the British government had aimed to prevent a war with Nazi Germany by following this policy, but failed. The Great Depression started in the United States with the Wall Street Crash when the value of shares on the stock exchange collapsed; economic activity was reduced across the whole world which led to mass unemployment in the 1930s. In Britain unemployment affected 25 per cent of the workforce.

Macmillan as prime minister, 1957-1963

Party unity was restored without lasting splits. Apparent economic prosperity continued to gain approval from the voters. For five years, Macmillan appeared to be in full control of affairs. Butler became Home Secretary. In October 1959, Macmillan called a general election. Macmillan, by now nicknamed 'Supermac', led the Conservatives to a comfortable victory, pushing the Conservative parliamentary majority up to 100 seats.

The post-war economic boom was continuing. The Labour Party was in disarray, increasingly preoccupied with its own internal battles. Macmillan seemed to have the media in the palm of his hand, using the new political opportunities provided by television with flair. His ability to project competence and confidence through the media contributed to the perception of Conservative dominance during this period.

Key political leaders

Winston Churchill (1874-1965)

Churchill had been a cabinet minister in both Liberal and Conservative governments between 1906 and 1940. He became prime minister in the war crisis of May 1940 and led Britain to victory by 1945. After the war, he continued to play the role of world statesman even though the Conservatives were in opposition. He was prime minister again from 1951 to 1955. His wartime reputation remained immense, but his post-war premiership was marked by declining health and limited engagement with domestic affairs.

Anthony Eden (1897-1977)

Eden was a talented politician who had always been thought of as a future prime minister. He was a rising political star in the 1930s and played a role in the Second World War as Churchill's Foreign Secretary. On several occasions between 1951 and 1955, he was the acting prime minister in Churchill's absence. He became prime minister in 1955 but resigned in January 1957 after the Suez crisis, due to ill health. His brief tenure demonstrated that extensive foreign policy experience did not necessarily translate into effective domestic leadership.

Harold Macmillan (1894-1986)

Macmillan was MP for Stockton-on-Tees and Churchill's military liaison officer during the Second World War. He was a housing minister in Churchill's government from 1951 and Foreign Secretary in the Eden government. In 1957, he emerged as the new Conservative prime minister after Eden's resignation. Macmillan's politics were shaped by two world wars and by the Great Depression of the 1930s when he was MP for Stockton-on-Tees in the depressed northeast. Attlee said in 1951 that Macmillan had very nearly joined the Labour Party in the 1930s. He was very much what has been described as a one-nation Conservative. One-nation Conservative describes the belief that all classes in society have obligations to one another and that there is a particular responsibility for those who are better off to ensure the well-being of those who are worse off. Macmillan was known for his pragmatism and wit.

R. A. Butler (1902-82)

Butler has become famous as 'the best prime minister the Conservatives never had'. He came to prominence as architect of the 1944 Education Act and played a role in the reorganisation of the party and its policies in preparation for returning to power in 1951. He was chancellor from 1951 to 1955 and was seen as a possible leader of the party both in 1957 after the fall of Eden and again in 1963 when Macmillan resigned. Despite his abilities and public popularity, he was twice passed over for the leadership, reflecting internal party dynamics and preferences.

Domestic policies under Conservative governments

Most Conservatives had accepted many of the reforms of the previous Labour government. Attitudes towards industry, the trade unions and social policy were going to be very different from the 1930s because the experiences of the war years had made people far more ready to accept the need for state intervention and planning. The National Health Service (NHS) had already assumed iconic status. Partly by conviction and partly by necessity, the new government accepted the existence of the so-called post-war consensus.

Conservative acceptance of the post-war settlement meant continuing many Labour policies, including maintaining the welfare state and mixed economy. The government did not attempt to dismantle the NHS or reverse nationalisations. Churchill's appointment of Butler, who was willing to work with trade unions and avoid industrial conflict, demonstrated this acceptance. The Conservative governments of the 1950s operated within the framework established by Attlee's Labour government, even while claiming to offer more efficient management of the economy.

This approach reflected both political calculation and genuine belief. Many Conservatives, particularly one-nation Conservatives like Macmillan, believed the state had responsibilities to ensure social welfare and full employment. The memory of mass unemployment in the 1930s remained powerful, and no politician wanted to be associated with a return to those conditions. The post-war consensus represented a broad agreement between the major parties on the fundamental structure of the British economy and welfare state, even if they disagreed on details.

Reasons for Conservative electoral dominance, 1951-1959

Several factors explain why the Conservatives dominated British politics during this period. The Labour Party faced severe internal divisions, particularly the Bevanite quarrel that split the party in 1951. While the Conservatives also experienced tensions between leaders like Butler, Eden, Macmillan and Churchill, these did not result in public splits or resignations that damaged electoral prospects in the same way Labour's divisions did. Labour's internal battles continued throughout the 1950s, making the party appear divided and unfit to govern.

Economic conditions favoured the Conservatives. The period from the early 1950s saw the first real rise in living standards since the 1930s and a relaxation in wartime restrictions and controls. Although these improvements began under the Attlee government, the Conservatives benefited from the timing. Post-war economic prosperity continued through most of the 1950s, allowing Macmillan to project an image of competence and success. Voters experiencing improved living standards were less likely to support changing the government.

The first-past-the-post electoral system also worked in the Conservatives' favour. In 1951, Labour actually won more votes but the Conservatives won more seats. This demonstrated how the electoral system could deliver parliamentary majorities even without winning the popular vote. The geographical distribution of Conservative support meant they won more constituencies even when their total vote share was similar to Labour's.

Conservative leaders, particularly Macmillan, effectively used new media opportunities. Macmillan's ability to project confidence and competence through television helped build his "Supermac" image. He appeared comfortable with modern political communication in ways that gave the Conservatives an advantage over Labour. The Conservative Party also benefited from generally favourable press coverage, with Eden's experience during Suez being an exception rather than the rule.

The Conservative acceptance of the post-war consensus reassured voters who might have feared a return to 1930s-style conservatism. By working with trade unions, maintaining the NHS, and accepting state intervention in the economy, the Conservatives demonstrated they would not dismantle popular reforms. This moderate approach attracted middle-ground voters while Labour's internal divisions made them appear more extreme and unreliable.

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