The Sixties: Wilson and the Labour Governments (AQA A-Level History): Revision Notes
The Beginning of the 'Troubles' in Northern Ireland
Introduction: A deeply divided province
The Government of Ireland Act (1920) formally established the partition of Ireland, creating Northern Ireland (NI) as a distinct entity comprising six counties that would remain within the United Kingdom. The remaining territory formed the Irish Free State in 1922 following the Irish War of Independence. Northern Ireland possessed a Protestant majority, whilst the southern portion of the island remained predominantly Catholic.
Although religious identity provided one lens through which to view the conflict, reducing the Troubles solely to sectarian differences would be overly simplistic. Religious labels represented an outer manifestation of deeper clashes rooted in national identity—whether one identified as Irish or British.
Background and divisions
Political and territorial context
Northern Ireland comprised six counties: Derry (also called Londonderry by Protestants), Antrim, Tyrone, Down, Armagh and Fermanagh. Ulster was the term employed by Protestants to denote these six counties, though historically Ulster had included three additional counties now part of the Republic. This territorial arrangement left Northern Ireland with a built-in Protestant majority, which would shape political power structures for decades.
Economic and social fractures
The province experienced sharp economic divisions that cut across both religious and geographic lines. Belfast, the capital in the east, attracted substantial business investment and became relatively prosperous. Prime Minister Terence O'Neill successfully encouraged companies to establish operations in Northern Ireland, though this economic development concentrated in Belfast whilst western regions remained comparatively poor.
Splits within Northern Irish society emerged along economic lines that reinforced religious divisions: many working-class Protestants found themselves no better off materially than their working-class Catholic neighbours. The perception amongst Protestants, however, was that Catholics sought privileges they possessed little claim to. This perception bred resentment, which grew more intense as time progressed.
Economic Inequality as a Catalyst
The economic divide between prosperous Belfast and impoverished western regions created tensions that transcended religious boundaries. Working-class communities on both sides competed for limited resources, yet Catholic communities faced additional systematic discrimination in housing, employment, and political representation.
Westminster's neglect
Northern Ireland largely escaped Westminster's attention until the late 1960s. Successive British governments, regardless of political persuasion, preferred to leave matters in the hands of elected representatives in Northern Ireland itself. This hands-off approach allowed local tensions to fester without external intervention or mediation.
Key actors in Northern Ireland
Understanding the Key Players
The Troubles involved a complex web of political figures, security forces, and paramilitary organisations on both sides of the sectarian divide. Understanding these actors and their motivations is essential for comprehending how localised tensions escalated into sustained conflict.
Protestant groups and political figures
The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) served as Northern Ireland's police force. The RUC was predominantly Protestant in composition and maintained heavy involvement with the Orange Order, creating perceptions of institutional bias against the Catholic minority.
The Orange Order took its name from William of Orange, who married Mary (daughter of King James II) and was crowned King William III in 1689. Orange Order members, predominantly Protestant, swore to uphold the Protestant faith. Annual marches commemorated specific historical events and sometimes resulted in violence, particularly when routes passed through Catholic areas.
The B Specials constituted a heavily armed security force composed of Protestants, effectively serving as an auxiliary to the RUC. Their presence reinforced Catholic perceptions that state security apparatus operated against their interests.
The Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) formed to combat Irish republicanism and oppose any movement towards Irish reunification. The UVF bore responsibility for numerous deaths, primarily targeting Irish Catholic civilians. Though claiming to defend Protestant Ulster, the organisation employed terrorist methods that mirrored those of their republican opponents.
Terence O'Neill (1914-90) came from an Anglo-Irish background. Educated at Eton, he served in the Irish Guards during World War Two. He represented the Bannside constituency as MP between 1946 and 1970, serving as Prime Minister of Northern Ireland from 1963 to 1969. O'Neill attempted to introduce measures that would bring Catholics and Protestants closer together, attracting business investment to Northern Ireland. His moderate approach, however, attracted fierce criticism from hardline Protestants who viewed any concessions to Catholics as betrayal.
Ian Paisley (1926-2014) led the Protestant Unionist Party between 1966 and 1970. An evangelical minister from 1946 until his death in 2014, Paisley emerged as the most prominent voice of militant Protestantism. His rousing, anti-Catholic speeches struck a chord with many Protestants in Northern Ireland, standing in stark contrast to O'Neill's more moderate approach. Paisley's message held particular appeal at a time when many Protestants felt threatened by Catholic civil rights demands. He was recognised as the man of the moment by those who opposed compromise.
Catholic groups and political figures
The Irish Republican Army (IRA) was established in 1917 by members of previous Irish nationalist organisations. Dedicated to achieving the independence and unity of the entire island of Ireland, the IRA fought the British during the Irish War of Independence and subsequently engaged in Irish civil war. Afterwards it operated as a terrorist organisation, campaigning for Northern Ireland to become part of an all-Ireland state.
During the 1960s the movement experienced internal division: the Official IRA gradually diminished in importance whilst the Provisional IRA (PIRA) maintained what they termed the 'armed struggle'. Though the IRA had not been particularly active since the 1920s, events in the late 1960s would revitalise the organisation.
The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) emerged as a civil rights movement campaigning against discrimination targeting Catholics. NICRA's aims drew loosely from the American Civil Rights movement, asserting the right of all citizens of Northern Ireland to equal treatment. Instead of the persecuted minority being black Americans, in this instance they were Catholic. NICRA sought to end discrimination through peaceful protest and political pressure rather than violence.
Bernadette Devlin (b. 1947) became prominent within the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland. She played a decisive role in ensuring the People's Democracy march through Derry proceeded. Devlin became an MP in 1969, though she was subsequently jailed for her participation in the Battle of Bogside. Her youth and determination made her a powerful symbol of Catholic resistance to discrimination.
Early violence (1966-1967)
The killing of Mary Gould
Historical Example: The Murder that Marked the Beginning
For many historians, the murder of Mary Gould on 7 May 1966 marked the beginning of the Troubles proper. Gould, a 77-year-old Protestant woman, died from burns sustained when a group from the UVF targeted a Catholic pub but obtained the wrong address, throwing a petrol bomb through her window by mistake.
The Tragic Irony: A Protestant gang had murdered an innocent Protestant woman—highlighting how sectarian violence could spiral beyond the control of those who initiated it.
Further isolated attacks followed, and an innocent eighteen-year-old Catholic boy, Peter Ward, was killed outside a pub in Belfast.
O'Neill's response and Paisley's opposition
Prime Minister O'Neill spoke for the moderate majority when he expressed shock and anger at the murder, calling upon Northern Ireland to consider whether they wanted violence or law and order. His appeal, however, faced immediate opposition from Ian Paisley, whose rousing, anti-Catholic speeches provided an alternative vision that attracted significant support amongst Protestants who felt threatened by demographic and social changes.
The 1967 marching season
Tension approached the surface of Northern Irish society during the 1967 marching season. Attacks occurred on O'Neill's weak leadership, and the Orange Orders distributed inflammatory literature designed to heighten sectarian tensions. The civil rights movement staged a march in August 1968 that passed without violence. Encouraged by this peaceful demonstration, organisers planned another march for October in Derry. This march was deliberately designed to pass through Protestant areas and proved deliberately provocative in its routing.
The civil rights movement gains momentum
NICRA's peaceful protest strategy
NICRA organised marches and demonstrations to highlight discrimination against Catholics in housing, employment and political representation. Four hundred NICRA members defied a ban and marched through Derry in October 1968, receiving the violent reaction they had anticipated. O'Neill visited Westminster and was instructed to resolve the problems in Northern Ireland.
NICRA's Strategic Approach
NICRA deliberately modelled its tactics on the American Civil Rights Movement, employing peaceful protest to expose discrimination and force political action. The violent reactions to peaceful marches helped garner sympathy and international attention for the Catholic civil rights cause.
O'Neill's five-point plan
Upon his return from Westminster, O'Neill announced a five-point plan designed to calm tensions within the Catholic community. This intervention played directly into Paisley's hands, angering Protestants who viewed any concessions as weakness. O'Neill, recognising his support within government was diminishing, took the unusual step of making a live television broadcast appealing directly to the public for calm and order. Whilst this demonstrated political courage, it also revealed the precarious nature of his position.
Escalation in 1969
The People's Democracy march
A splinter group of the civil rights movement, called People's Democracy (PD), rejected O'Neill's appeal. Police warned the group not to enter Derry for fear of potential violence, yet they proceeded regardless. The marchers encountered Protestant opposition in the form of bricks, boulders and bottles. This confrontation, which took place at Burntollet Bridge, generated further violence against Catholics in the Bogside area of Derry through images broadcast on television.
The 1969 general election and bombing campaign
O'Neill called a general election in Northern Ireland, hoping to secure a mandate for his moderate policies. The contest proved bitter. Paisley stood against him in his Bannside constituency. A bombing campaign during the spring of 1969 devastated parts of Belfast, leaving much of the city without water supply. The campaign was attributed to the UVF, though Paisley claimed the IRA bore clear responsibility. Paisley secured his objective when O'Neill resigned on 28 April 1969. James Chichester-Clark became the replacement, possessing a similar pedigree and political style to O'Neill.
April by-election and mounting tensions
In April 1969, the People's Democracy candidate Bernadette Devlin defeated the Ulster Unionist candidate in a by-election. The funeral of murdered taxi driver Samuel Devenney (beaten to death by the RUC) maintained tense conditions throughout the spring. The Orange Marches of July offered no respite from growing tensions. The Apprentice Boys' march provided the spark that would ignite full-scale conflict.
The Battle of Bogside (August 1969)
The Apprentice Boys' march in August 1969 rapidly escalated into a full-scale battle. Over a three-day period, fierce fighting erupted between Catholics of Bogside in Derry on one side and the Protestant unionists along with the RUC on the other. The violence was not contained to Derry: fighting spread to Belfast, Armagh and Newry. The scale of disorder overwhelmed local security forces.
A Turning Point in the Conflict
Callaghan, the Home Secretary, despatched the British Army to suppress the violence. The army succeeded in restoring order, and numerous soldiers remarked upon the friendly reception they received from civilians. With military forces on the streets and civil relations temporarily stabilised, the Troubles appeared to have settled—at least for the time being.
This proved an illusory calm. The deployment of British troops marked not an ending but rather a new phase in a conflict that would persist for nearly three more decades.
Remember!
Key Points to Remember:
-
The Government of Ireland Act (1920) partitioned Ireland, creating a predominantly Protestant Northern Ireland within the UK and paving the way for the Irish Free State (1922).
-
Economic and social divisions reinforced religious identities: Belfast prospered whilst western regions remained poor, and working-class Protestants and Catholics competed for limited resources.
-
Ian Paisley's militant Protestant rhetoric directly opposed Terence O'Neill's moderate reforms, splitting unionist opinion and undermining attempts at reconciliation.
-
The murder of Mary Gould (7 May 1966) is often identified as the starting point of the Troubles, followed by escalating violence from paramilitary groups including the UVF and a revitalised IRA.
-
The Battle of Bogside (August 1969) marked a turning point: the British Army's deployment to restore order signalled that the conflict had escalated beyond local control, setting the stage for decades of violence.