Government in the Last Years of Elizabeth I’s Reign, 1589-1603 (Edexcel A-Level History): Revision Notes
Social and Economic Distress of the 1590s
Context before the crisis
The first three decades of Elizabeth I's reign (1558-1588) had been a period of relative social and economic stability. The population, which had declined during the worst years of dearth (severe food shortage) and disease in the late 1550s, had recovered and was growing again. Harvests were generally good, and whilst hunger and poverty remained significant problems, local authorities had been able to stockpile supplies during these more stable years. This period of relative calm meant that England was reasonably well-prepared for potential future crises.
This period of stability was crucial for England's resilience. The stockpiling of supplies during good harvest years would prove essential when the crisis hit, though ultimately insufficient to prevent widespread hardship.
However, from 1594 onwards, the situation deteriorated rapidly. A series of harvest failures in 1594, 1595, 1596 and 1597 created a severe social and economic crisis that threatened the stability of Tudor society.
Rising prices, food shortages and mortality rates
The harvest crisis
The harvests of the mid-1590s were catastrophic, with the worst years being 1596-97 when excessive rainfall ruined the crops. The impact was particularly severe because food supplies required more than a year to recover after a bad harvest. Multiple consecutive harvest failures meant that problems multiplied over several years with no opportunity for the economy to recover between crises.
The crisis was compounded by its European-wide nature. Areas of France, the Netherlands and Germany also suffered badly, which meant there were fewer opportunities to import cheap food from abroad to ease the shortages in England. This eliminated a crucial safety valve that might otherwise have mitigated the worst effects.
Dramatic price increases
One of the most serious consequences of repeated harvest failures was that food prices rose dramatically due to high demand and limited supply. The price of wheat, which was used to make bread (one of the most important sources of cheap food for the poor), more than doubled between 1593-94 and 1596-97:
The Wheat Price Crisis 1592-1599
The dramatic escalation of wheat prices demonstrates the severity of the harvest failures:
- 1592-93: 19.90 shillings per quarter
- 1593-94: 23.00 shillings per quarter
- 1594-95: 34.87 shillings per quarter (52% increase from 1593-94)
- 1595-96: 37.09 shillings per quarter
- 1596-97: 50.07 shillings per quarter (peak price - more than double the 1593-94 price)
- 1597-98: 46.18 shillings per quarter
- 1598-99: 28.03 shillings per quarter (recovery begins)
This represents an increase of over 150% in just three years, making bread unaffordable for much of the population.
Agricultural prices overall were higher in the period 1594-98 than at any other time during the entire Tudor period. As wheat became unaffordable for many, people turned to cheaper but less nutritious grains such as barley, oats, peas and beans. This pushed up demand for these alternative products as well, leading to further price rises across the board.
The collapse of real wages
For those with little or no income, these price rises were devastating. The value of real wages (wages adjusted for the cost of living) was falling dramatically. In 1597, real wages reached their lowest level for any year between 1260 and 1950 according to the Phelps-Brown Index. This means that working people's purchasing power was at its weakest point in nearly 700 years - an extraordinary statistic that highlights the severity of the crisis.
Understanding Real Wages
The collapse in real wages to their lowest point in 700 years represents more than just an economic statistic. It meant that even those in employment could not afford basic necessities like bread, creating a crisis that affected not just the unemployed poor but working families as well.
Urban poverty
The problems were particularly severe in the towns, where a high proportion of the population were already living on or below the poverty line. The situation was made worse by migration from the countryside, as the rural poor moved to towns in search of food and employment.
In London, it is estimated that the proportion of people living in poverty rose from 5 percent to 9 percent in the late 1590s. Although records are scarce, the situation was probably as bad, if not worse, in other urban areas, especially smaller towns. A survey conducted in Ipswich in 1597 revealed that 13 percent of the population were classified as either impotent poor (those unable to work due to age or disability) or able-bodied poor (those capable of work but unemployed).
Regional variations in suffering
The impact of the crisis varied across different regions of England.
Regions Hit Hardest by the Crisis
The problems were at their worst in:
- The north - particularly Cumbria and Newcastle upon Tyne, where there were actual deaths from starvation
- The south-west
- Smaller towns - often lacking the resources and organization of larger urban centers
Despite government attempts to ease the problems by banning grain exports and prohibiting the feeding of peas to cattle, there was genuine starvation in some areas, especially during the worst years of 1596-97. One observer wrote in a letter to William Cecil in 1596 warning that "this year will be the hardest year for the poor people that hath happened in any man's memory." The prediction proved accurate.
Rising mortality rates
As food shortages worsened, the death rate rose significantly:
- In 1596 and 1597, the death rate was 21 percent above the national average
- In 1597-98, this had increased to 26 percent above the national average
Those already weakened by malnourishment were more vulnerable to disease. Plague was a particular problem in London, especially in 1593-94, when the theatres were closed because of an outbreak. It is likely that other towns, where conditions were cramped and unsanitary and there was increasing hardship, suffered similar outbreaks.
Strain on poor relief
By 1598, the level of social and economic distress was so severe that whole families were seeking poor relief, not just individuals. This placed the system for poor relief, which had been established in the 1570s, under immense strain. The existing structures were simply not designed to cope with a crisis of this magnitude.
Riots and social tension
Rising crime rates
The combination of hunger, high prices and rising death rates led to a significant increase in social tension across England. Crime rates rose sharply in the 1590s, leading to more prosecutions in the law courts. The rate of theft rose considerably in the years 1596-98, probably as a direct result of social and economic hardship. It is likely that many of these thefts resulted from genuine need for food and clothes, and were impulse crimes committed out of desperation rather than planned criminal activity.
Food riots of 1595
There were clear signs that Tudor society was under increased pressure. In 1595, food riots broke out in London, the South East and the South West.
The Scale of London's Food Riots
In London, 1,800 apprentices, soldiers and unemployed men were involved in two riots targeting fishwives, butter sellers and foreign merchants. The rioters even assaulted some London officials and made plans to steal armour and cut off the mayor of London's head.
The scale of this unrest - involving nearly 2,000 people - was deeply alarming to the authorities and demonstrated how close the social order was to breaking down.
Although the London riots were suppressed, unrest was reported in Kent and Norfolk in 1595-96.
References to Kett's Rebellion
Worryingly for the government, there was talk in Kent and Norfolk of establishing 'camps' to protest against farmers and those who were stockpiling grain to make profits. The rebels in Norfolk referred directly to Robert Kett's Rebellion (1549), which had taken the form of a series of rebel camps.
Why Kett's Rebellion References Were So Alarming
This was particularly alarming for the authorities because:
- It showed that protesters were looking back to one of the most serious popular rebellions of the 16th century
- Kett's Rebellion had come dangerously close to class warfare
- It suggested the unrest could escalate into something more serious
- The rebels were consciously drawing on historical precedent for organized resistance
In 1596-97, the sense of unrest continued with further food riots in East Anglia, the South West and on the border between Kent and Sussex.
Government fears of vagrants
The government and local authorities were deeply concerned about the level of social tension. They particularly feared bands of violent vagrants attacking their social superiors. These fears were probably fuelled by the widespread publication of pamphlets in the 1590s containing lurid descriptions of crimes allegedly committed by wandering bands of beggars.
A Justice of the Peace from Somerset, Edward Hext, wrote to Lord Burghley in 1596 expressing his concerns:
Edward Hext's Warning (1596)
I do not see how it is possible for the poor countrymen to bear the burthens... laid upon him... There be [some] that stick not to say boldly that they must not starve, they will not starve.
Hext also warned about the organization of vagrants:
[On vagabonds] of these sort of wandering idle people there are three or four hundred in a shire... all or the most part in a shire do meet either at fair or market, or in some alehouse, once a week... And they do grow the more dangerous in that they find they have bred that fear in the Justices [of the Peace] and other inferior officers that no man dares to call them into question.
This source reveals both the scale of vagrancy and the authorities' growing sense that they were losing control of the situation.
The Oxfordshire rising, 1596
When the Oxfordshire rising broke out in November 1596, the authorities reacted swiftly and with extreme violence, despite the small scale of the protest. The rising was triggered by concerns over enclosures and food prices in the region.
The Oxfordshire Rising: Planning vs Reality
The plan: Inspired by news of the apprentices' riots in London the previous year, the rebel leaders planned to:
- Attack the house of the Oxfordshire Lord Lieutenant, Lord Norris
- Seize his weapons
- March to London
What actually happened: However, only four rebels turned up at the meeting point. They waited for two hours, then disbanded and were arrested. The rising was a complete failure in practical terms.
The government's response: Despite the tiny scale of the rising, the Privy Council reacted very strongly:
- They ordered the troublemakers to be brought to London
- The suspects were examined under torture by the Council itself
- The councillors were terrified there might be gentry involvement in the unrest (though none was discovered)
- The rebel leader was a carpenter named Bartholomew Steer, and the other participants were young, unmarried artisans or servants - all people with nothing to lose
Harsh punishment: The rebels were executed for treason on the grounds that they had waged war against the monarch, despite the fact that the rising had not been violent and had failed to materialize. The Council wanted to send a very clear message that this would be the fate of any other rebels.
Further measures: The Council's paranoia was also apparent in its response in Oxfordshire, where a special charge was made in the local assizes (law courts) against those responsible for enclosure. The rising may also have been the trigger for the Poor Laws that were passed in 1597 and 1601.
The government response to the social and economic problems of the 1590s
Books of Orders (1586-87)
Even before the mid-1590s crisis, the Tudor central government was already considering how to respond to poverty, disease and food shortages. As early as 1586-87, Books of Orders were printed and regularly reissued throughout the 1590s. These were documents sent to all Justices of the Peace (JPs) instructing them on what actions they should take in the event of plague or famine.
Books of Orders: Instructions to JPs
For plague:
- Quarantine houses where there was disease
- Houses to be guarded by watchmen to ensure the sick remained in isolation
For famine: Orders first issued in 1586 and republished in 1594 and 1595 instructed JPs to:
- Make searches for grain (attempting to combat food hoarding)
- Set up the compulsory sale of food to those in need
However, in times of genuine shortage, these measures were probably not very effective, simply because there was not enough food in circulation to redistribute.
Parliamentary action 1597 and 1601
In the parliaments of 1597 and 1601, serious attempts were made to deal with the problems caused by the successive bad harvests of 1594-97. The scale of concern is evident from the fact that in 1597-98, 11 out of the 17 bills introduced were attempts to deal with poverty.
The Vagrancy Act 1597
A new Vagrancy Act was passed in 1597 with harsh punishments designed to deter vagrancy:
For first-time offenders:
- Vagrants to be arrested
- Whipped
- Returned to their parishes
- Forced to work if able-bodied
- Sent to the almshouse if they were impotent poor
For persistent vagrants:
- Sent to houses of correction
- Or sent to work on English galley ships
- Final punishment was execution for felony
This Act shows the government's determination to control the movement of the poor and prevent social disorder, even if the methods were extremely harsh. The threat of execution for persistent vagrancy reveals the authorities' fear that social order might collapse entirely.
The Tillage Act 1597
Debates over enclosure arose again in Parliament, particularly concerning the effect that enclosure for sheep farming was having on arable farming and therefore on food supplies. The Tillage Act (1597) attempted to reverse the effects of enclosure by:
- Forcing pasture land that had been enclosed since 1588 to be restored to arable farming
This was an attempt to increase food production by ensuring more land was used for growing crops rather than grazing sheep.
The Poor Law 1597 and 1601
Most significantly, a new Poor Law was passed in 1597 - the first since 1576. Although this Act did not introduce many completely new ideas, it brought together in one piece of legislation the various aspects of poor relief that had been developing over the previous 30 years. With minor corrections added in the Poor Law of 1601, it established the system of poor relief that lasted into the 19th century.
Overseers of the Poor
The position of the Overseer of the Poor, first introduced in 1572, was more clearly defined:
- Two unpaid overseers to be elected every year for each parish
- Their work to be supervised by the JPs
- Overseers had the power to put to work those without money or jobs
- Responsible for assessing how much money was needed to support the poor
- Responsible for collecting and distributing poor relief
- Supervised the poorhouse
Administrative safeguards:
The Act included provisions to prevent corruption and ensure efficiency:
- Overseers ordered to meet monthly
- Submit their accounts to the JPs annually
- If a parish could not meet its poor relief costs, other parishes were to be asked to contribute
Treatment of different categories of poor:
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Impotent poor (unable to work): to receive relief either in their own homes (known as 'outdoor' relief) or in almshouses
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Able-bodied poor (capable of work): to be given work to do in poorhouses
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Persistent vagrants and beggars: to be sent to houses of correction
Significance of the Poor Law System
This system represented a significant development in state welfare provision, recognizing that poverty was a social problem requiring organized, local responses funded through taxation (the poor rate collected by overseers). The framework established in 1597/1601 would remain the foundation of English poor relief for over two centuries.
How serious was the crisis?
The authorities certainly perceived the 1590s as a period of acute crisis. The combination of harvest failures, soaring prices, collapsing real wages, rising mortality rates, food riots and the Oxfordshire rising all suggested that the social order might collapse. The government's harsh responses - particularly to the Oxfordshire rising - and its extensive legislative programme in 1597 and 1601 demonstrate how seriously the threat was taken.
Assessing the Crisis
However, it is less clear that the socio-economic system was genuinely on the point of collapse. Despite the hardship:
- The food riots were relatively limited in scale
- The Oxfordshire rising was tiny and easily suppressed
- No gentry were involved in the unrest
- The Poor Law system was successfully established and proved sustainable
The crisis was undoubtedly severe, particularly for the poorest members of society, but the government's response suggests it retained control of the situation, even if its confidence was badly shaken.
Remember!
Key Points to Remember:
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Harvest failures in 1594, 1595, 1596 and 1597 (worst in 1596-97) caused a severe social and economic crisis, worsened by European-wide dearth limiting food imports
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Wheat prices more than doubled from 23 shillings per quarter (1593-94) to over 50 shillings (1596-97), and real wages fell to their lowest level between 1260 and 1950
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Mortality rates rose dramatically - 21% above average in 1596-97, and 26% above average in 1597-98, with particular problems from plague and starvation in certain regions
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Social unrest included food riots in 1595 (involving 1,800 people in London) and the Oxfordshire rising of 1596, though the government's harsh response (executing rebels for treason) deterred further rebellion
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The government responded with the Vagrancy Act 1597, Tillage Act 1597 and Poor Laws 1597/1601, which established the system of poor relief (including Overseers of the Poor) that lasted into the 19th century