George H.W. Bush and the US Response to 1991 (AQA A-Level History): Revision Notes
George H.W. Bush and the US Response to 1991
Bush's succession and the context of 1989
George H.W. Bush was elected US president in November 1988 and assumed office in January 1989. Although Ronald Reagan's policies had contributed substantially to changing US-Soviet relations, he did not oversee the actual conclusion of the Cold War. That task fell to Bush, who inherited both the opportunities and challenges of a rapidly transforming international landscape.
Bush brought considerable foreign policy experience to the presidency, having served in multiple high-level diplomatic and intelligence roles:
- US ambassador to the United Nations
- Chief liaison to the People's Republic of China before full diplomatic normalisation
- Director of the CIA
- Vice president under Reagan
This extensive background shaped his measured, cautious approach to managing the end of the Cold War.
The timing of Bush's presidency proved historically decisive. By 1989, the Soviet Union faced mounting internal pressures, Eastern European communist regimes were beginning to fracture, and the arms race initiated by Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) had forced the USSR into economically unsustainable military spending. The question for Bush was how the United States should respond to these developments.
Bush's strategic approach to Gorbachev
Bush recognised that managing US-Soviet relations during this period required Gorbachev to remain in a position of authority within the USSR. Without Gorbachev's leadership, the process of reform and détente could collapse. Consequently, Bush adopted a policy of doing nothing that might undermine the stability of Gorbachev's position as Soviet leader.
In July 1989, Bush visited Poland and Hungary, two Warsaw Pact nations experiencing early stages of political transformation. Before his trip, he instructed his speechwriters with explicit guidance:
Bush's Instructions to His Speechwriters (July 1989):
"Whatever this trip is, it is not a victory tour with me running around over there pounding my chest. I don't want my speeches to sound inflammatory or provocative. I don't want what I do to complicate the lives of Gorbachev and the others. I don't want to put a stick in Gorbachev's eye."
This statement reveals Bush's deliberate restraint and his commitment to international stability rather than triumphalism.
Bush's primary objective was preserving international stability, and he viewed Gorbachev's continued leadership as the most effective means of achieving this goal. In Bush's assessment, he and Gorbachev shared similar thinking regarding the desirability of renewed détente. This perspective represented a marked departure from Reagan's more confrontational rhetoric, even though Reagan had himself softened his stance during his second term.
Debates within the Bush administration
Bush's cautious approach did not go unchallenged within his own administration. Some of his closest advisers expressed concerns that whilst Gorbachev presented himself as a reformer, he might be succeeded by an "old style" Soviet hardliner who would reverse the progress made. Other advisers suggested that Gorbachev was merely buying time, allowing the USSR to rebuild and re-emerge as a more formidable challenger to American power.
Condoleezza Rice served as a Soviet specialist who provided briefings to US policymakers during this period. Before becoming Secretary of Defense under later administrations, Rice offered a sobering assessment of Soviet intentions:
Rice's Warning to US Policymakers:
"We keep telling them to knock it off, but the Soviets are still putting military equipment into the Third World. I think we've got to re-ask ourselves the tough question: what are the tangible differences from the old days? Is 'New Thinking' another cover for power politics? It's as much an instrument of hardball foreign policy as old thinking was."
This scepticism reflected genuine uncertainty about Soviet motives. The USSR continued military activities that suggested it had not abandoned its global ambitions, despite Gorbachev's rhetoric of reform and cooperation.
Arms control and the START negotiations
In July 1991, the USA and USSR entered negotiations to determine how many weapons each side would destroy. This necessity arose because Reagan's SDI programme had caused an escalation in arms production during the 1980s, but the agreement was eventually made and entered into force in 1994, following the USSR's dissolution.
Despite the varied opinions within his administration, Bush remained convinced that the USSR was not planning a renewed Cold War confrontation. He could have pursued a strategy designed to undermine Soviet influence in Eastern Europe, but instead chose to support Gorbachev with the explicit belief that maintaining Gorbachev's position would guarantee America's unchallengeable status as the dominant world power.
Bush felt the appropriate position for the United States was to support both Gorbachev and the Soviet Union rather than seeking to undermine them. This conviction led Bush to sign START (the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty), which established a stable and workable framework for Soviet-American relations. The treaty represented a tangible commitment to arms reduction and peaceful coexistence.
Bush was genuinely committed to this supportive approach, but events in Eastern Europe unfolded more rapidly than anticipated and eventually overtook his cautious management strategy.
Gorbachev's vision for Europe
Gorbachev's thinking during this period complemented Bush's approach. On 5 July 1989, Gorbachev delivered one of his most famous speeches, entitled "Europe is our Common Home," in which he articulated his hopes for future relations between the USSR and the rest of Europe.
Gorbachev's "Europe is our Common Home" Speech (5 July 1989):
"There are no 'bystanders', nor can there be any, in peace-building in Europe; all are equal partners here, and everyone, including neutral and non-aligned countries, bears his share of responsibility to his people and Europe. The philosophy of the concept of a common European home rules out the probability of an armed clash and the very possibility of the use or threat of force, above all military force, by an alliance against another alliance, inside alliances or wherever it may be... We are firmly opposed to the division of the Continent into military blocs facing each other, against the accumulation of military arsenals in Europe, against everything that is the source of the threat of war."
Gorbachev's concept of a "common European home" recognised Europe as an integrated whole, despite its division into different social systems and opposing military-political blocs. He advocated for moving beyond Cold War divisions and building a cooperative European security framework. This vision aligned with Bush's foreign policy objectives of maintaining stability whilst managing the transition away from superpower confrontation.
Bush's decision and its consequences
Bush's ultimate decision was to support rather than undermine Gorbachev and the Soviet system during its period of vulnerability. He signed START, committed to maintaining stable relations, and avoided actions that might provoke a crisis or empower Soviet hardliners.
The Rapid Pace of Change:
The pace of change in Eastern Europe during 1989-1991 proved faster than either Bush or Gorbachev anticipated:
- Communist regimes collapsed across the Warsaw Pact
- The Berlin Wall fell in November 1989
- By December 1991 the Soviet Union itself ceased to exist
Bush's approach can be understood as prioritising managed stability over rapid transformation. He sought to ensure that the end of the Cold War occurred peacefully and did not create dangerous power vacuums or provoke a Soviet backlash. Whilst Reagan had contributed to creating the conditions for the Cold War's end through his arms build-up and pressure on the Soviet system, it was Bush who actually oversaw and managed the final stages of the conflict's termination.
Key figure: George H.W. Bush (b. 1924)
George H.W. Bush served as US president from 1989 to 1993. Prior to his presidency, he accumulated extensive foreign policy experience, including roles as:
- US ambassador to the UN
- Chief liaison to the People's Republic of China before full normalisation of relations
- Director of the CIA
- Vice president under Reagan
Although he is often overshadowed by his predecessor, it was during Bush's presidency that communism collapsed in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union dissolved. His cautious, stability-focused approach to managing these transformations reflected his belief that supporting Gorbachev would serve American interests better than attempting to accelerate Soviet decline. Bush's signing of START and his refusal to adopt triumphalist rhetoric during the collapse of the Eastern Bloc demonstrated his commitment to managing the Cold War's end responsibly.
Key Points to Remember:
- Bush took office in January 1989 with extensive foreign policy experience and inherited the final phase of the Cold War from Reagan
- Bush adopted a deliberate strategy of supporting Gorbachev and avoiding actions that might destabilise his leadership, believing this approach would best serve US interests and international stability
- Bush faced internal debate within his administration, with some advisers sceptical of Soviet intentions and concerned about Gorbachev's potential successors
- Bush signed the START treaty in recognition that stable Soviet-American relations required formal arms reduction agreements, not merely rhetorical commitments
- Events in Eastern Europe moved faster than Bush's cautious management strategy anticipated, but his approach ensured the Cold War ended peacefully without provoking Soviet hardliners or creating dangerous power vacuums