Theories of Representation (AQA A-Level Politics): Revision Notes
Theories of Representation
Parliament's representation role
Parliament fulfils a vital role in representing the people of the United Kingdom. This is particularly true of the House of Commons, which is directly elected by voters. The House of Lords has a less significant representative function, since its members are unelected.
Lord Birkenhead once observed that each member of the House of Lords "represents no one but himself" — highlighting the fundamental difference between the elected Commons and the unelected Lords in terms of representation.
MPs with constituencies serve as representatives in three key ways:
- Their constituents and voters
- Their political party
- Special interests or groups they feel strongly about
The effectiveness of MPs in performing these representation roles remains a subject of considerable debate.
How effective is parliamentary representation?
Parliament's success in representing the UK population can be evaluated from multiple perspectives. There are significant strengths in the current system, but also notable weaknesses.
Strengths of the current system
The UK achieves geographic representation through 650 constituencies that are roughly equal in size. The Boundary Commission draws up constituency boundaries independently of party politics, ensuring fairness. A wide range of political parties gain representation in the Commons, which means diverse political opinions are heard in parliamentary debates.
The Commons has become increasingly diverse in recent years, particularly regarding gender, race and sexuality. In 2019, a record 220 women were elected as MPs, and 6% of MPs openly identified as LGBTQ+, which is substantially higher than the 2% of the general population who identify as LGBTQ+.
MPs also represent a broad range of wider interests and specialist policy areas informally, speaking about diverse topics in debates and committees, from disability rights to animal welfare.
Weaknesses of the current system
Despite the Boundary Commission's efforts, not all constituencies are truly equal in population. The most populous constituency contains nearly six times more voters than the least populous.
The first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system significantly favours the two largest parties and regionally concentrated parties like the SNP. By contrast, it severely under-represents parties such as the Liberal Democrats, Green Party and UKIP.
Women remain significantly under-represented in Parliament. While just over half of all voters are female, only 34% of MPs elected in 2019 were women.
MPs increasingly come from backgrounds and have life experiences that are unrepresentative of the country as a whole. For example, a Sutton Trust report published after the 2019 election found that 29% of MPs were privately educated, compared with just 7% of the population as a whole.
MPs as part-time representatives
Around 18% of MPs in the 2017–19 parliament held jobs outside Parliament. This raises important questions about representation. All outside employment must be declared in the Register of Members' Interests to ensure transparency and avoid conflicts of interest.
Many MPs serve as company directors, though some continue their previous occupations on a limited scale. For instance, Conservative MP Maria Caulfield, a former nurse, needed to complete 480 hours over three years to retain her professional registration. Labour MP Stephen Morgan continued serving as a city councillor after his election to Parliament in 2017.
Key Questions About Outside Employment:
- Can MPs with other jobs be fully effective representatives of their constituents?
- Do MPs with second jobs gain a broader perspective on life than full-time politicians?
- If MPs are transparent about second jobs, should constituents simply vote them out if dissatisfied?
- Given that MPs receive a relatively generous annual salary of around £80,000 (as of 2020), do they need second incomes that inevitably take time and attention away from their primary role?
MPs as representatives of particular interests
Beyond representing their constituency and party, MPs frequently champion particular interests or causes that transcend geography and party lines. These can range from sports to child abuse prevention and virtually anything in between.
MPs often join all-party groups comprising MPs from various parties who share similar interests and concerns. Among the hundreds of all-party groups currently registered in Parliament are those focused on diverse areas including pigeon racing, darts, independent education and Scottish whisky.
MPs as constituency problem solvers
MPs undertake substantial casework for their constituents, regardless of how those constituents voted. Once elected, MPs should represent all constituents equally. Most hold regular local surgeries, usually by appointment, to listen to constituents' concerns. These issues can relate to housing, immigration status, miscarriages of justice or numerous other matters.
While MPs typically cannot bring about instant remedies, they often raise such matters with local councils, relevant government departments or in Commons debates. This process is known as the redress of grievances.
Redress of Grievances
This refers to the process by which individuals can approach their MP with complaints about their treatment by government and its agencies, such as local councils, government departments or bodies like HMRC. Note that it is an expectation, not a formal requirement, that an MP will seek to remedy issues brought to their attention by constituents.
The volume of this workload should not be underestimated. In 2010, one MP calculated that in their first 10 months they received over 38,400 pieces of communication, including 24,000 emails, 9,600 letters and 4,800 telephone calls. They dealt with 2,183 individual constituents' cases.
MPs typically employ constituency caseworkers from their parliamentary allowance to handle much of this work. The type and number of issues varies according to constituency characteristics. For example, MPs representing deprived inner-city areas are more likely to receive large numbers of requests for help with housing and social benefits.
Three theories of representation
There are three main theories explaining how MPs represent their constituents. These theories are not mutually exclusive – MPs may fulfil different representation models depending on the situation.
Burkean or trustee theory
Burkean or trustee theory argues that elected officials are purely representatives of their voters. Once elected, they are entirely free to act in the interests of their electors as they see fit.
A trustee is an elected official who takes into account the needs of their constituents before exercising their own judgement when making political decisions.
The term Burkean theory originates with the eighteenth-century political thinker and MP Edmund Burke. In 1774, Burke wrote to his Bristol constituents explaining that as their MP, he owed them his unbiased opinion, mature judgement and enlightened conscience. He argued that representatives should not sacrifice their judgement to constituents' opinions, but instead should consider constituents' views while employing their personal judgement, knowledge and experience to serve the public interest.
Burke saw this as the opposite of a delegate, an elected official who simply mirrors constituents' views. In this way, constituents entrust their elected officials (trustees) to represent them fairly in Parliament.
The trustee theory has been significantly weakened through the advent of strong party ties and the parliamentary whipping system, but it can still be seen in practice occasionally.
Example: Nick Boles and Brexit
Nick Boles, former Conservative MP for Grantham and Stamford, represented a Leave constituency but personally supported the Remain campaign. He voted against his own party in many Brexit votes. Electors argued that he was putting the perceived national interest before the interests of the party or the express wishes of his own constituents.
Another example involves votes of conscience, during which MPs follow their own conscience or belief in the 'common good' when voting on issues such as abortion or assisted dying. It has long been the custom that such votes are 'unwhipped'.
Example: The 2013 Gay Marriage Vote
Despite then Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron backing the vote and giving government time to debate it, over half his party either rebelled or abstained. In total, 136 Conservative MPs voted against the bill while only 127 backed it. Additionally, 22 Labour and 4 Liberal Democrat MPs voted against the bill, although in both cases their leaders supported the measure.
None of the main English parties had made a clear commitment to support same-sex marriage in their 2010 manifestos, although Liberal Democrat leader Nick Clegg had expressed his personal support. The Conservatives promised only to 'consider' reclassifying same-sex civil partnerships as marriages.
Therefore, MPs felt able to vote according to their consciences and personal beliefs, since they weren't breaking any manifesto pledges.
Delegate theory
Delegate theory views MPs as being bound by the wishes of their constituents – what the constituents want, the constituents get from their MP.
A delegate is an elected official authorised to represent and act as a mouthpiece for their constituents.
The delegate theory of representation states that elected officials are simply 'mouthpieces' for their constituents. In practice, this is probably the hardest representation theory to implement. How does an MP know what views the majority of their constituents hold on any single issue? Do they rely on the number of letters or volume of emails received, or on focus group findings? What about decisions where their electors are evenly divided?
However, there are several instances of the theory occurring in practice.
Example: Zac Goldsmith and Heathrow
In 2015, Conservative MP Zac Goldsmith promised his voters in Richmond Park that he would resign if the government backed a third runway at Heathrow. He stuck to his word when the government supported the third runway – he resigned from his seat in 2016 and fought the ensuing by-election as an independent. He lost to the Liberal Democrats.
Example: Stephen Lloyd and Brexit
Stephen Lloyd, then Liberal Democrat MP for Eastbourne (a Leave seat), promised to support Brexit in Commons votes if re-elected in 2017 to honour the referendum result both nationally and within his constituency. Against his own views and official party policy, he stuck to his pledge in the division lobbies, resigning the Liberal Democrat whip in the process. He went on to lose his seat in the 2019 election.
Taking into account these recent examples, it would appear that voters do not necessarily reward MPs acting as delegates who keep to their word.
Mandate theory
Mandate theory is arguably the most prevalent representation theory in modern UK politics. It suggests that MPs are primarily in their position to represent and carry out their party's policies and manifesto.
The mandate theory advocates that elected officials are primarily there to represent and carry out their party's policies and manifesto. The argument goes that it is the party, not the personality of an individual MP, that secures their election. They therefore have a duty of party loyalty once in Parliament.
The strength of this theory is demonstrated by several examples of MPs being elected for a particular party, leaving it mid-term, and standing again in the same constituency either for another party or as an independent. They nearly always lose.
Example: MPs Who Left Their Party
In 2019, Frank Field, the long-serving and highly respected MP for Birkenhead, stood as an independent having left Labour and was defeated in this very safe Labour seat. The same was true of former Conservative MP Anne Milton, who stood for re-election in Guildford as an independent in the same election.
Example: Douglas Carswell - A Rare Exception
Douglas Carswell, having been elected as Conservative MP for Clacton, defected to UKIP in 2014. He resigned and went on to retain his seat in both the by-election and the 2015 general election standing for UKIP.
This suggests the mandate theory does have its limits, although arguably the Clacton electorate, as a strong Leave seat, was voting for the same policies and the same person to represent them in Parliament.
Situations or issues often arise during a parliamentary term for which there was no manifesto pledge. In March 2003, 139 Labour MPs rebelled against Tony Blair over the invasion of Iraq. Arguably, they were at liberty to exercise their own judgement, given such a policy was not part of Labour's 2001 manifesto.
Overall, all three theories of representation influence how MPs vote in Parliament, but given the dominance and strength of party politics, the mandate model usually, but not always, prevails. When it does not, it normally reflects strong local feeling that is at odds with the MP's own party, or that a controversial issue has emerged since the last general election.
Remember!
Key Points to Remember:
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Parliament performs a vital representation role, primarily through the elected House of Commons. MPs represent their constituents, their party, and special interests they care about.
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Parliamentary representation has both strengths and weaknesses. Strengths include geographic coverage through 650 constituencies, party diversity, and increasing demographic diversity. Weaknesses include unequal constituency sizes, FPTP bias favouring larger parties, and under-representation of women and certain social backgrounds.
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Burkean or trustee theory argues that once elected, MPs should use their own judgement, knowledge and experience to serve the public interest, rather than simply mirroring constituents' views. Examples include votes of conscience, such as the 2013 gay marriage vote.
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Delegate theory views MPs as mouthpieces who should mirror their constituents' wishes. This is the hardest theory to implement in practice. Examples include Zac Goldsmith resigning over Heathrow expansion and Stephen Lloyd supporting Brexit against his party line.
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Mandate theory is the most prevalent theory in modern UK politics. It suggests MPs are primarily there to represent and carry out their party's manifesto. The strength of party loyalty means that MPs who leave their party and stand for re-election nearly always lose, as demonstrated by Frank Field and Anne Milton in 2019.