Religion and Social Groups (AQA A-Level Sociology): Revision Notes

Religion and Social Groups

Understanding how religious participation and belief vary across different social groups is essential for analysing religion's role in contemporary society. This variation occurs across age, gender, ethnicity, and social class, each presenting distinct patterns and explanations.

Distinguishing religious belief from religiosity

Before examining social group differences, it's important to understand two key concepts:

Religious belief refers to believing that the world is controlled by supernatural forces, typically a god or group of gods. This represents the cognitive aspect of faith.

Religiosity measures the level of an individual's connection to all aspects of religion, indicating how religious a person actually is in practice. This encompasses both belief and religious behaviour.

Religiosity varies by age

Religious participation shows clear age-related patterns in contemporary Britain. The 2011 census revealed that 22% of Christians in England and Wales were over 65, whilst only 3.9% of Muslims fell into this age category, with 88% being under 50. This demonstrates that Christianity has a notably older age profile compared to Islam.

People claiming no religious affiliation tend to be younger, with more than one-third under 25. Middle-aged groups show greater likelihood of involvement in mainstream religious movements, whilst sects and cults attract disproportionately young adults.

Why young adults join sects and cults

Sects often attract young adults through messages emphasising friendship and companionship. This appeals particularly to those experiencing anomie (lack of social and moral standards), detachment from mainstream society, and those with fewer responsibilities such as marriage or career commitments.

Cults appeal to the inner thoughts and feelings of young adults who may feel alienated from primary cultural influences. Cults attract individuals already engaging in counterculture activities, offering alternative spiritual frameworks outside traditional religious structures.

Religiosity varies by gender

Women demonstrate consistently higher levels of religious participation across most measures. They are more likely to attend church services and more likely to identify with a religious tradition.

Explanations for gender differences

Traditional role expectations play a significant part in explaining women's higher religiosity. Going to church and raising children within religious frameworks has traditionally been viewed as an extension of women's primary caregiver role.

Differential socialisation also contributes to these patterns. Girls are socialised to be more passive and conforming, characteristics that align with the behaviour expected in more traditional and conservative religious groups.

Life course differences matter too. Women often live longer than men, and older people tend to be more religious. Additionally, more men than women have turned away from organised religion during the 20th century.

Feminist perspectives on religion

Feminist scholars have offered critical analyses of women's relationship with religion:

Beauvoir (1949) argued that gender imagery in Western religion deceives women into believing they achieve equality when they do not. Women are sometimes portrayed as being 'nearer to God' than men through religious imagery, leading them to accept that their earthly suffering will be rewarded with equality in heaven.

Jean Holm (1994) outlined how contemporary religions both exploit and subordinate women whilst simultaneously giving them dominant organisational roles. She suggested this secondary status originates in biological factors, with events like menstruation and childbirth often viewed by religions as 'polluting'.

Women's roles in new religious movements

Women participate in sects more frequently than men, and many sects and New Religious Movements (NRMs) were established by women, including the Seventh Day Adventists and Christian Science movement.

Glock and Stark (1965) argued that gender differences in NRM membership result from deprivation - social, physical and mental disadvantages that women experience disproportionately compared to men.

Bruce (1995) suggests men show greater interest in NRMs advocating esoteric knowledge, whilst women are more attracted to subjects classified as New Science, New Ecology and New Spirituality.

Some sociologists propose that New Age movements appeal more to women because they emphasise 'feminine' characteristics such as healing, caring and cooperation. However, some NRMs maintain narrow beliefs about women's societal roles and may not appeal to women seeking liberation from traditional expectations.

Religiosity varies by ethnicity

The 1994 PSI Fourth Survey of Ethnic Minorities found that nearly all ethnic minority groups are more religious and participate more actively in religious activities than majority populations.

Functions of religion for ethnic minorities

Community and cultural identity: Religion maintains a sense of community and cultural identity within ethnic minority groups. For many, religious identity becomes central to their overall identity formation.

Johal (1998) claims that in multi-faith societies like the UK, religious identity has become critically important for members of ethnic minorities, providing belonging and distinctiveness.

Davie (1994) argued that identification with religious organisation was particularly important for South Asians including Indians, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis in the UK, because it provided cultural identity and feelings of belonging.

Specific ethnic group patterns

Pakistani and Bangladeshi Muslims in the UK primarily identify as Muslim according to Modood et al's research. Many young Muslims demonstrate deeper knowledge of Islam than their parents, and many Muslim girls feel more liberated wearing headscarves and dressing modestly because they avoid stereotypes and values imposed on non-Muslim girls.

African Caribbeans, who are mainly Christian, attempted to integrate into established UK churches but encountered racism within many congregations. This led to the development of their own churches and forms of worship, such as Pentecostal churches.

South Asians had to establish their faiths in a country with radically different belief systems. Religion acted as a support mechanism for new immigrants, allowing cultural sharing. South Asians quickly established religious organisations including mosques, Sikh gurdwaras, and temples.

Some research indicates declining religious practice among Asian men in the UK. For example, younger Sikh men are less likely to wear turbans compared to older Sikh men.

Religiosity varies by class

Social class demonstrates clear patterns in religious affiliation and participation across different denominations and religious groups.

Class-based denominational patterns

The middle class shows disproportionate representation in Anglican and Quaker denominations compared to more Roman Catholic or Methodist working-class populations. This pattern partly reflects their historical popularity in Victorian industrial areas and can be observed internationally, including in the US where Weber linked Protestant work ethics to capitalist development.

Religious participation is greater among middle classes, with 62% of regular church-goers being middle class. This occurs partly because religious affiliation functions as a desirable social characteristic, and church attendance provides opportunities for social networking.

Class and religious movements

Some sociologists argue that participation in different denominations and sects reflects class position, suggesting middle-class denominations versus working-class denominations exist.

Bruce (1995) found that cults are primarily middle class, arguing this occurs because they fulfil spiritual needs for people experiencing little financial pressure. Middle-class individuals can focus on spiritual development when material needs are already satisfied.