Rosenhan (1973) Being Sane in Insane Places (Edexcel A-Level Psychology): Revision Notes
Rosenhan (1973) Being Sane in Insane Places
Aim
Rosenhan's study was designed to test the reliability of psychiatric diagnosis and investigate whether mental health professionals could distinguish between genuine mental illness and feigned symptoms. The research was inspired by the antipsychiatry movement, which questioned whether psychiatric diagnoses reflected genuine underlying disorders or were simply labels applied to socially unacceptable behavior.
The study had three main objectives:
- To determine whether mentally healthy individuals could gain admission to psychiatric hospitals by reporting false symptoms
- To assess whether hospital staff would detect the sanity of these individuals once admitted
- To document the experience of being a patient in a psychiatric institution and raise awareness about the conditions
Rosenhan hypothesised that psychiatric diagnosis was influenced by observer bias, where clinicians interpret behavior as symptomatic based on the context and diagnostic label rather than objective assessment. He proposed that diagnosis could create a self-fulfilling prophecy, whereby the label affects how a person's behavior is subsequently perceived and interpreted.
The study emerged during a period of significant debate about psychiatric practices in the 1970s. The antipsychiatry movement challenged the medical model of mental illness, questioning whether diagnostic labels reflected real diseases or were simply means of social control for dealing with deviant behavior.
Participants
Eight pseudopatients (fake patients) participated in the investigation, including Rosenhan himself. The group consisted of three women and five men from diverse professional backgrounds:
- One psychology graduate student
- Three psychologists
- One psychiatrist
- One paediatrician
- One painter
- One housewife
None of the pseudopatients had any history of mental health problems. This diversity in occupation and background strengthened the generalisability of the findings across different types of individuals.
The actual participants whose behavior was observed and recorded were the hospital staff and genuine patients at the institutions. This distinction is important: the pseudopatients were researchers conducting the study, not participants in it.
Procedure
The pseudopatients contacted the admissions offices of 12 psychiatric hospitals across five states in the USA. These institutions varied in quality and type, ranging from research and teaching hospitals to older, less well-resourced facilities, representing a broad spectrum of psychiatric care.
Gaining admission:
- Each pseudopatient telephoned a hospital requesting an appointment, claiming they were "hearing voices"
- At the admission meeting, they reported hearing the words 'empty', 'thud', and 'hollow'
- To protect their professional identities, those working in psychology-related fields gave fake names and occupations, but all other information disclosed was truthful, including personal life events and family relationships
- All pseudopatients were admitted to the institutions
After admission:
- Every pseudopatient immediately stopped feigning symptoms and behaved completely normally
- They answered all questions from staff and patients honestly about their lives, experiences, and how they were feeling (except regarding the study itself)
- They cooperated fully with staff, were friendly, and followed ward routines
- They had to convince staff of their sanity in order to secure their release
- Daily visitors confirmed that the pseudopatients were behaving normally
- The pseudopatients observed and recorded life on the ward by taking extensive notes
The Three-Word Symptom
The choice of words 'empty', 'thud', and 'hollow' was deliberate. These words had been chosen because they suggested existential concerns but had never been reported in psychiatric literature as symptoms of schizophrenia. This meant the pseudopatients were reporting a symptom that should have raised questions about the validity of the diagnosis.
Findings
Diagnosis and discharge:
- All eight pseudopatients were diagnosed with a serious mental health disorder based solely on reporting auditory hallucinations
- Seven received a diagnosis of schizophrenia; one was diagnosed with manic depression with psychosis
- Not a single pseudopatient's sanity was detected by any member of hospital staff during their admission
- All were eventually discharged with a diagnosis of "schizophrenia in remission" (the original diagnosis remained but symptoms were deemed to have temporarily subsided)
- The average length of stay was 19 days, with the shortest admission lasting 7 days and the longest 52 days
Patients' Suspicions
In contrast to staff, some genuine patients suspected the pseudopatients were not actually mentally ill. Records from three hospitals showed that approximately one-third of patients challenged the pseudopatients, with comments such as "You're not crazy. You're a journalist or a professor."
This finding reveals that genuine patients, despite their own diagnoses, were more perceptive about sanity than the trained professionals caring for them.
Interpretation of normal behavior:
Staff consistently interpreted normal behaviors through the lens of the diagnostic label, viewing them as pathological. This demonstrated how the diagnostic label fundamentally altered staff perception of all subsequent behavior:
- Note-taking was documented in records as "writing behaviour" and described as a symptom
- Pacing corridors due to boredom was interpreted as "nervousness"
- Waiting outside the lunch hall before it opened was labeled by one clinician as "Oral-inquisitive syndrome"
Depersonalization: The Most Troubling Finding
A central finding concerned the severe depersonalization of patients by staff, whereby they were treated as less than fully human.
When pseudopatients initiated contact with nurses:
- 71% of the time they were completely ignored
- Eye contact was made in only 23% of encounters
- Verbal responses occurred in merely 2% of cases
The situation was even worse when attempting to engage senior staff. Of 185 reasonable questions directed at staff throughout the study, none received answers.
This contrasted sharply with a comparison experiment where Rosenhan had pseudopatients approach academic staff at a university with similar questions: the university staff consistently responded with courtesy.
Quality of care:
The pseudopatients observed a general lack of respect for patients and occasional mistreatment. Several concerning patterns emerged:
- Caretaking behaviors, such as medication distribution, were performed without checking whether they had any effect
- The pseudopatients disposed of their prescribed medications, but so did many genuine patients, yet staff failed to notice
- Average contact time was only 6.8 minutes per day per pseudopatient, including admission, discharge, and medication interactions
Rosenhan concluded this was not due to individual malice but reflected systematic problems with how psychiatric care was organized.
Conclusions and follow-up
When the results were published, several psychiatric institutions challenged the findings, doubting their systems could be so easily deceived. One leading hospital agreed to participate in a follow-up investigation.
Follow-Up Study: The Ultimate Demonstration of Diagnostic Unreliability
Rosenhan conducted a powerful follow-up that revealed the diagnostic process lacked reliability in both directions:
The Setup:
- Every staff member at the hospital who dealt with admissions was instructed to rate all new patients over a three-month period
- They assessed the probability that each patient was a pseudopatient sent by Rosenhan
The Results:
- During this period, 193 patients were admitted
- At least one staff member identified 41 patients as likely pseudopatients
- Two or more staff members classified 19 patients as definitely fake
The Revelation:
- In reality, Rosenhan sent no pseudopatients whatsoever to the hospital
This demonstrated that staff failed to detect fake patients when they were present, but also suspected genuine patients of faking when primed to look for deception.
Self-fulfilling prophecy:
Rosenhan argued that diagnostic labels create a self-fulfilling prophecy. Once labeled, all of a person's behavior is interpreted within the context of that label. This interpretation is then taken as evidence confirming the validity and accuracy of the original label, creating a circular reasoning that makes it extremely difficult for patients to demonstrate their sanity or recovery.
Evaluation: Strengths
Generalisability of hospital sample:
The study included a diverse range of psychiatric institutions, from modern research and teaching hospitals to older, less well-funded facilities. These were spread across five different states and represented different geographical areas, suggesting the findings were not limited to one type of hospital or region. This increases confidence that the diagnostic problems identified were widespread across the American psychiatric system in the early 1970s.
Objective behavioral data:
The study provided concrete observational data about quality of care, including quantifiable measures such as the average contact time between staff and patients (6.8 minutes per day per pseudopatient, including admission, discharge, and medication). This objective evidence supported the qualitative accounts of depersonalization.
Real-World Validity
By conducting the study in actual psychiatric institutions with genuine staff and patients, Rosenhan achieved high ecological validity. The findings reflected real diagnostic practices and treatment conditions, not artificial laboratory scenarios. This made the results particularly powerful and difficult to dismiss.
Powerful demonstration:
The follow-up study provided compelling evidence of diagnostic unreliability. By sending no pseudopatients yet having many genuine patients identified as fake, Rosenhan demonstrated that diagnostic judgments were prone to bias in both directions, undermining confidence in the entire system.
Public interest justification:
While ethically questionable, the study revealed important information about the quality of psychiatric care. The average of 6.8 minutes of staff contact per day suggests pseudopatients had limited interaction that could have harmed genuine patients. The public interest in exposing poor quality care and unreliable diagnosis could be argued to outweigh the ethical concerns.
Evaluation: Weaknesses
Severe ethical problems:
The study raised numerous ethical concerns that would make it impossible to conduct today:
- Only Rosenhan's own admission received permission, and even then only from the hospital administrator and chief psychologist at one institution
- Staff at the other hospitals were completely unaware they were participating in research, violating the principle of informed consent
- The study may have affected the attention and care given to genuine patients who needed help
- Staff were deceived about the nature of the pseudopatients, potentially affecting their professional reputations
- However, Rosenhan argued the breach was justifiable given the public interest in exposing systemic problems
Cultural and Temporal Limitations
The research was conducted exclusively in the USA during the early 1970s. Diagnostic practices, treatment approaches, and attitudes toward mental health have changed considerably since then. The findings cannot necessarily be generalised to other cultures or to modern psychiatric practice.
The study tells us about American psychiatric diagnosis and treatment in a specific historical context but may not reflect current standards, which include structured diagnostic interviews, standardized assessment tools, and improved training in diagnostic reliability.
Artificiality of symptoms:
Critics argued that reporting auditory hallucinations is a serious symptom that psychiatrists must take seriously. If someone presents claiming to hear voices, admission for assessment is appropriate and responsible. The study may therefore demonstrate appropriate caution rather than diagnostic failure. Spitzer et al. (2005) argued that psychiatrists cannot be expected to detect deliberate deception when patients knowingly provide false information.
Replication Challenges and Controversy
Lauren Slater attempted to replicate the study for her book Opening Skinner's Box. When she presented at nine emergency rooms reporting hearing the word "thud", she was diagnosed with depression with psychosis and prescribed both antipsychotic and antidepressant medication.
However, Spitzer et al. (2005) challenged this account by sending a detailed vignette based on Slater's description to 431 psychiatrists. Of the 73 who responded, 86% ruled out the diagnosis Slater claimed she was given. One-third indicated they would prescribe antipsychotic medication, but none would prescribe antidepressants.
Spitzer argued that Slater's research was flawed and sensationalist, and that casting doubt on psychiatric diagnosis causes harm by discouraging people from seeking necessary mental health treatment.
Limited scope:
The study examined only the initial diagnostic process and admission procedures. It did not assess the effectiveness of psychiatric treatment for those with genuine mental health problems, nor did it investigate modern diagnostic tools and structured assessment procedures that have since been developed.
Key Points to Remember:
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Eight pseudopatients (including Rosenhan) gained admission to 12 psychiatric hospitals by reporting auditory hallucinations (hearing 'empty', 'thud', 'hollow'), but once admitted they behaved completely normally
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All were diagnosed with serious mental illness (seven with schizophrenia) and none were detected as sane by staff, though genuine patients suspected them
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Staff interpreted normal behaviors pathologically due to the diagnostic label (e.g., note-taking as "writing behaviour," waiting for lunch as "Oral-inquisitive syndrome")
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Severe depersonalization occurred: staff ignored pseudopatients 71% of the time and gave verbal responses to only 2% of questions
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The follow-up study demonstrated diagnostic unreliability in both directions: when one hospital was primed to detect pseudopatients, many genuine patients were suspected of faking, yet Rosenhan had sent none
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The study raised important questions about diagnostic reliability and the effects of labeling, but had significant ethical problems and may not generalise to modern psychiatric practice