Glasnost, 1986–88 (Edexcel A-Level History): Revision Notes

Glasnost, 1986–88

What was glasnost?

Glasnost means 'openness' and became one of Gorbachev's key political reforms. The term was first used by Gorbachev in December 1974, though it gained prominence from 1983 when supporters of Andropov used it to expose corruption within the Communist Party. Initially, glasnost was primarily about transparency regarding the state of the Soviet economy, but it evolved into something far more significant.

Gorbachev introduced glasnost as part of his solution to economic stagnation. He believed that openness would help economic recovery by ending the manipulation of economic data. However, from 1986 onwards, glasnost became an increasingly important political initiative with far-reaching consequences that Gorbachev did not anticipate.

Why did glasnost become more important from 1986?

Gorbachev faced opposition from hardline communists who resisted his reform agenda. Rather than retreating, Gorbachev looked for support outside the Party. He invited writers, intellectuals and artists to criticise hardliners and support his reforms, believing these groups would be natural allies against conservative Party members.

The Twenty-Seventh Party Congress, February-March 1986

The Twenty-Seventh Party Congress was a landmark event that signalled Gorbachev's commitment to change. This Congress adopted a new programme for the Communist Party – the first new set of priorities since 1961.

Key features of the new programme:

• Commitment to the 'systematic and all round improvement of socialism'
• Introduction of the concept of 'genuine democracy – power exercised for the people and by the people'
• Explicit linking of democratisation to glasnost

However, the Congress had limitations. There were few signs of genuine openness at the meeting itself, and Gorbachev did not set out detailed proposals for achieving the Party's new goals. Nevertheless, the adoption of a new programme was an important symbol that Gorbachev wanted to break with the Brezhnev era.

Liberalisation of the media

Following the 1986 Congress, Gorbachev appointed Aleksandr Yakovlev to take responsibility for the Soviet media. This appointment proved crucial in transforming Soviet society.

Yakovlev's reforms included:

• Appointing new radical editors to head major publications, including Moskovskie Novosti (Moscow News) and Ogonek, a Communist Party newspaper
• Permitting newspapers to publish accounts of the scale of Stalin's atrocities
• Allowing stories that admitted problems in the Soviet economy
• Authorising the publication of previously banned books, plays and films by anti-communist intellectuals

An important early example was the release of the film Repentance. Made in 1984 but only released in 1986, this film was highly critical of Stalin's terror and marked a new level of openness in Soviet culture.

The extension of glasnost, 1987–88

During 1987 and 1988, glasnost expanded beyond its original boundaries in ways that fundamentally challenged the Soviet system.

Initially, media criticism focused on Stalin. These criticisms were not entirely new – Khrushchev had initiated criticism of Stalin in 1957. However, in 1988, Aleksandr Tsipko, supported by Yakovlev, went much further by publicly criticising Marx and Lenin themselves.

Additional expansions of glasnost:

• From 1988, citizens were permitted to listen to foreign radio broadcasts
• People could read foreign newspapers
• The range of topics open for public discussion expanded dramatically

The Nineteenth Party Conference, June 1988

The Nineteenth Party Conference of June 1988 took openness to an unprecedented level. Senior Party officials publicly admitted the scale of problems facing the Soviet Union.

Problems acknowledged included:

• Inadequacies in healthcare
• Failures in education
• Poverty of rural populations

The Chernobyl disaster, April 1986

The explosion at the Chernobyl nuclear reactor in April 1986 became an early and significant test of Gorbachev's commitment to glasnost. It was the largest nuclear accident on record.

Chernobyl's symbolic significance:

Chernobyl became a powerful symbol of the failings of the communist system. The disaster was caused by multiple systemic problems:

• The reactor's design was fundamentally flawed
• Authorities hid design flaws from operators
• The power plant was constructed cheaply
• Problems were systematically covered up
• When disaster struck, officials refused to acknowledge the scale of the problem

The Chernobyl disaster demonstrated the gap between Gorbachev's rhetoric about openness and the reality of Soviet governance. It undermined public trust in the government's ability to protect its citizens.

The consequences of glasnost

Gorbachev had hoped that glasnost would benefit him politically by allowing him and his allies to criticise conservative opponents within the Communist Party. While glasnost did allow Gorbachev, communist radicals and Soviet intellectuals to criticise moderates and aspects of government that were not working, it had unintended consequences.

Divisions in the Communist Party

By 1988, glasnost and Gorbachev's other reforms had created deep divisions within the Communist Party. Many officials refused to support the reforms.

Two main factions emerged:

Gorbachev attempted to balance both wings of the Party, trying to maintain support from both moderates and radicals. However, this balancing act often meant he alienated both groups, satisfying neither the conservatives who wanted him to slow down nor the radicals who wanted him to move faster.

Historical interpretations: Gorbachev and the Party

Historians offer different interpretations of Gorbachev's relationship with the Communist Party during this period.

George W. Breslauer's interpretation (2002):

Breslauer argues that Gorbachev actively antagonised and alienated the Communist Party. He characterises Gorbachev as engaged in a 'relentless process of destruction of the Brezhnevite order', stripping Party officials of immunity from public criticism. According to Breslauer, Gorbachev deliberately emboldened intellectuals and the masses to advance forceful public criticism. This alienated moderates like Ligachev and Ryzhkov, who became increasingly disillusioned as Gorbachev permitted civil liberties to expand. Breslauer suggests that Gorbachev's unwillingness to draw and enforce limits on glasnost alienated Central Committee members who feared anarchy.

David Lane and Cameron Ross's interpretation (1999):

Lane and Ross present a different view, arguing that Gorbachev tried to work with the Communist Party and only turned away from it later. They characterise Gorbachev as 'the last Russian communist leader who believed that he could reform state socialism from within'. According to this interpretation, in the early years of his regime, Gorbachev increased the number of top Party officials moved into government posts, attempting to reform through the Party. Only after September 1989 did he revoke this policy and begin moving power away from the Party to a new executive presidency. Lane and Ross argue that Gorbachev was 'pushed into' more radical reform, similar to Khrushchev's earlier attempts to gain mass support against the bureaucracy.

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